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'^^s ^LtLbos-.^" 

Darvarb Conege Xibrari^ 



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The Louisiana 
Historical Quarterly 

Vol. I, No. 1. January 8, 1917. 

Report on the Texas Boundary made to the President of the Republic 
of Mexico in 1828. 

Diary of Bernardo de Galvez, Pensacola, May 13, 1781. 

Published Quarterly by 



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The Louisiana 
Historical Quarterly 

Vol. I, No. 1. 

January 8, 1917. 

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( iUL 101917 j 






JOHN DYMOND, First Vice-President. 

T. P. THOMPSON, Second Vice-President. 

HENRY RENSHAW, Third Vice-President. 

W. O. HART, Treasurer. 

MISS GRACE KINC, Recording Secretary. 

ROBERT CLENK, Corresponding Secretary-Librarian. 

Executive Committee 

John Dymond, Chairman; Caspar Cusachs, T. P. Thompson, Henry Renshaw, 
W. O. Hart, Miss Crace King and Robert Clenk. 

Membership Committee 

H. J. de la Vergne, Chairman; Miss Emma Zacharie and Cecrge Koppel. 

Work and Archives Committee 

Caspar Cusachs, Chairman; Miss Grace King, Robert Glenk, W. O. Hart, 
T. P. Thompson and A. B. Booth. 

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Volume I, No. 1. January 8, 1917. 

Introduction 5 

Western Boundary of Louisiana, by Caspar Cusachs 9 

Diario de Galvez, by Caspar Cusachs 9 

Abstracts by Mr. Price, 6y Groce King 10 

The Choctaw of St, Tammany, by Dr. David I, Bushnell, Jr 11 

Report of the Texas Boundary made to the President of the Republic of 

Mexico in 1828 21 

Diary of Bernardo de Galvez, Pensacola, May 13, 1781 44 

Original Contributions of Louisiana to Medical Science, a Bibliographical 

Study, by Dr, Edmand Souchan _ 85 

Louisiana Families 95 

New Orleans Territory Memorialists to Congriess, 1804 99 

Abstracts from Old Papers, 6y A/r. Price 103 

Notes. (Department Title.) .- 116 

Historical Data Acquired by the Congressional Library 117 

Annual Report of the American Historical Association 117 

Some Rare Louisiana Historic Data 118 

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The Louisiana 
Historical Quarterly 

Vol. I, No. 1. January 8, 1917. 


The Louisiana Historical Society, with its career of. eighty years 
behind it, may scarcely need introduction to the students of American 
History, as the work that it has already done through its notable 
men has left an impress upon the history of our State and all of 
the Louisiana Purchase Territory that could hardly have been secured 
in any other way. 

Louisiana has a history of which we may well be proud. With the 
closing years of its first century of Statehood we may be pardoned 
for a short retrospective view of that century of our State's life and 
for the expression of some hopes of what the second century may 
bring to us. That part of our history with which we are most familiar, 
by legend, by song and story, relates to this first century of our 
Statehood and our Historical Society, which was organized in 1836 
with Judge Henry A. Bullard as its first president. Its membership 
includes Messrs. Harrison and Louis Janin, Messrs. Porter, Martin, 
Roman, Canonge, Barton, Gray, Chaffe, Eustis, McCaleb, Ingalls, 
Winthrop, Rost, Watts, Deblieux and Leonard. Judge Bullard was 
a native of Massachusetts, born in 1788 and graduated from Harvard 
College with the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1807 at the age of 
nineteen. Soon thereafter he migrated to Louisiana and began the 
practice of law in Natchitoches. He represented Louisiana in Con- 
gress in 1831 and 1832, at which time Andre Bienvenu Roman was 
Governor of this State, his successor in 1835 being Edward White of 
Bayou Lafourche, father of Chief Justice E. D. White of the U. S. 
Supreme Court. Judge Bullard was appointed District Judge after 
his Congressional term and also served as Associate Justice of the 
Supreme Court for twelve years. He served for a short time as 
Secretary of State and in 1847 was elected professor of civil law in the 
Law Department of the University of Louisiana. He attained a 

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6 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

high position in Louisiana and died in 1851 after the death of Seargent 
S. Prentiss in 1850, who probably was the most brilliant lawyer that 
at that time practiced at the New Orleans bar. Judge Bullard was 
chosen to deliver the bar's eulogy to Mr. Prentiss' memory. 

At that time, in 1836, with a large French and Spanish popula- 
tion and a rapidly increasing American population, before the date of 
railways and early in the day of steamboating. New Orleans was 
looked upon as the coming great city of the Mississippi Valley and 
as such it rapidly progressed imtil the civil war began. That first 
sixty years of the 19th Century we may call the Romantic Epoch 
of Louisiana's American history and naturally those who came here 
from other parts of the Federal Union and from other countries, were 
much interested in the cosmopolitan civilization here developed 
and engaged in recalling its origins and in recording its peculiarities. 
Judge Bullard was conspicuous in these matters and was quick to 
appreciate the distinctions between the every day life of Puritan 
New England and the languorous lives of the people of Louisiana, the 
land of the orange and the palm. 

In Jime 1846 Francois Xavier Martin, the distinguished jurist 
and historian of Louisiana, was elected president of the Historical 
Society, but he died in December of that year. Of Judge Martin's 
History of Louisiana, first published in 1827 and republished in 
1882, we need say but little. His history is a standard work today 
and while not as brilliant in its rhetoric or descriptions as the later 
history of our State written by Charles Gayarre, it will always be 
consulted by students of Louisiana history. 

Judge Martin was a Frenchman by birth and was bom in Mar- 
seilles n 1762. He migrated to the French island of Martinique in 
1780 and six years thereafter to New Bern, North Carolina, then a 
French Swiss settlement. At the age of 27 years he was admitted to the 
bar of North Carolina and began his literary career by compiling and 
translating valuable law books. He then wrote a history of North 
Carolina and in 1806 and 1807 served as a member of the State 
legislature. In 1809 President Madison appointed him Judge for the 
territory of Mississippi and the following year he was transferred to 
the Superior City Court of the territory of Orleans. Here his ability 
was at once recognized and he was rapidly promoted to the offices 
of Attorney General, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court and 
finally be became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Some time 
thereafter Judge Martin returned to private life and while made 
president of the Louisiana Historical Society in June, 1846, his death 
occxirring in December of the same year, he had but little oppor- 

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Introduction 7 

tunity to utilize his clear and logical mind in the development of the 

Judge Bullard was again elected president of the Historical 
Society in 1847, and died in New Orleans in 1851. 

Judge Charles Gayarre, our distinguished historian of Louisiana, 
was elected president of the Society in 1860. He had already pub- 
lished three volumes of the History in 1854, the first two covering 
the French Domination in Louisiana and the third covering the 
Spanish Domination. In 1866 he published his final volume, on the 
American Domination. The volume on the Spanish Domination 
he dedicated to our great national historian, George Bancroft, who 
was then one of the nation's most distinguished men, although his 
great history of the United States in ten volimies, begim in 1834, was 
not completed imtil 1874. Judge Gayarre wrote of Bancroft as "the 
friend who encouraged his labors and the historian whose fame is 
the pride of his coimtry." 

Charles Gayarre was bom in New Orleans in 1805 and became 
conspicuous in law matters when he was but twenty years of age. 
In 1828 or 1829 he was admitted to the Pennsylvania bar and soon 
thereafter returned to Louisiana and was admitted to the Louisiana 
bar. In 1830 he was elected to the State legislature from the city of 
New Orleans. In 1832 he was appointed presiding judge of the City 
Coxirt of New Orleans. In 1835 he was elected to the United States 
Senate. His health failing, he resigned from this high office and went 
to Europe, where he remained eight years. Returning to New Orleans 
he became again engaged in political, life and in 1844 was elected to 
the State legislature and was re-elected two years later, but did not 
serve the second term, but accepted the office of Secretary of State 
in preference. He was quite a voliuninous writer and his literary 
work was held in the highest esteem. 

The civil war of practically fifteen years' duration in New Or- 
leans, left the Society dormant. In 1877 the domicile of the Society 
was changed from Baton Rouge, to New Orleans. In 1888 Judge 
W. W. Howe was elected president of the Society. Judge Howe was 
a gentleman of rare ability and greatly interested in the history of 
Louisiana. It was largely through his influence and appreciation of 
Martin's History of Louisiana that its republication was secured in 

Professor Alcee Fortier of Tulane University, was elected presi- 
dent in 1894. His recent and imexpected death came as a shock to 
his many friends and admirers. He was one of Louisiana's most 
successful writers and his writings, generally historical, covered a 
wide range of investigation and research, such as but few men are 

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8 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

capable of. His monumental work is his History of Louisiana, in 
four voliunes, covering the period of known data from A. D. 1512 
to 1904. It is now our standard history and reflects great credit on 
Dr. Fortier and on our Society, which he served so long and so well. 

Hon. Gasper Cusachs, now our president, succeeded Dr. Fortier 
in January, 1914, since which time he has been annually re-elected. 
Mr. Cusachs is the head of one of our most prominent families of the 
old regime. The French, the Spanish and the American dominations 
all merge in him. He has a splendid private collection of rare books, 
papers and pictures pertaining to ancient Lx)uisiana and to modem 
Louisiana, some of which are now deposited with the Society for the 
benefit of its members and the public. He is an enthusiastic student 
of Louisiana history and quite an encyclopaedia of information con- 
cerning old families, old events and old things, and is constant, earn- 
est and enthusiastic in his support of the Historical Society. 

Under these conditions, these leaderships and these experiences, 
the Louisiana Historical Society now announces the publication 
quarterly of a magazine wherein will be given from time to time 
data secured from the Society's archives and such other material as 
may come imder its control and be pertinent to the Society's objects. 
The Society's executive committee, under whose control the publica- 
tion begins, solicits the co-operation of every member in making the 
publication the success that it deserves to be. 

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Western Boundary of Louisiana 9 

The Western Boundary of Louisiana. 

By Caspar Cusachs 

The western boundary of Louisiana, being as it was the line which 
separated the recently acquired territory from the lands of Texas, 
then a Mexican province, was a source of much trouble to the govern- 
ment of the United States a century ago. And while the United 
States endeavored to establish it at the Rio Grande, the Mexican 
authorities were equally firm in the contention that it extend as far 
eastward as the Sabine. An expedition to survey this line was under- 
taken by the latter, and the report of the journey, and conclusions, 
as prepared by the Monk Jose Maria Puelles, an apostotalico of the 
Convent at Zazatecas, forms one of the most interesting and 
valuable contributions to the literature dealing with the question. 
The report was published at Zacatecas in 1828, and has become so 
very scarce that only two copies now can be traced, one of which is 
now in my private collection, having been obtained in London 
several years ago. In consideration of its great rarity, and value as a 
contribution to the early history of our State, it has been deemed 
worthy of being translated — the original, being in Spanish — and 
printed at the present time. The title page is reproduced exact size. 
The translation was made by Mr. Gilbert Pemberton, to whom I now 
desire to express my gratitude for his excellent work. 


Dario de Galvez 

By Caspar Cusachs 

On October 16, 1780 General Bernardo de Galvez led the Spanish 
forces against Pensacola. The expedition resulted in the defeat of 
the English arms which furnishes Louisiana today with her claim of 
participating in the American Revolution. 

Galvez's diary, evidently not intended for general distribution, 
was printed in Spain soon after his return from America. It contains 
much that should prove of interest to the historian of the present 
time, and although quotations have been made from it and used by 
different writers, yet it has not until the present time been translated 
and printed in its entirety. The translation presented on the following 
pages was made from a copy which I purchased in Madrid, and has 
been carefully prepared by Mr. Gilbert Pemberton. No title page is 
included with this copy, nor is it known whether one was ever printed. 
Few copies of this very interesting work are known to exist. 

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10 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Abstracts by William Price of State Papers Preserved in the 
Louisiana Historical Society with Notes 

By Grace King 

In publishing these abstracts of State Papers, the Lotiisiana 
Historical Society is carrying out a project cherished for many years, 
a project, indeed, that became a duty and one heavy with responsi- 
bility as gradual investigation revealed the rare historical value and 
great importance of the documents. The information they contain 
covers, as will be seen, every form of htiman interest developing 
during the long course of years, extending from 1714 to 1769, when 
French Louisiana was xmder the judicial government of the Superior 
Coxmcil, whose paternal care seems to have been as varied as the' 
region dependent upon it, the vast region extending from the North- 
em Lakes to the Gidf of Mexico; from the fringe of British possessions 
extending eastward to the Atlantic, to the Spanish possession (or 
claims rather) between the Mississippi and the Pacific. 

From the hiring of a servant to the killing of farm animals; the 
intricate settling of estates, marriage contracts, disputes of ecclesias- 
tical jurisdiction; conspiracies and plots of desertion, and piratical 
adventures; the doamients wind along in and out of the small stream 
of petty litigation but with their rich minute details of daily Ufe, 
glittering like gold under the current. They evince an alipost total 
avoidance of the political changes that took place, the crisis great 
and momentous in their day to the colony, which brutally appren- 
ticed it, as it were, first to one master and then to another, had its 
capital moved from Fort Louis de la Mobile, to Dauphine Island, 
thence to Biloxi and finally to its ultimate destiny (as seen from the 
beginning by its astute Canadian founder Bienville and his followers) 
to New Orleans, the great city on the banks of the Mississippi River. 

The ups and downs in Bienville's own fortimes, are indicated 
rather than revealed by passing references in the documents. 

The massacre of the Natchez and the subsequent war made by 
the French upon them are not noticed nor missed in the increasing 
flow of items of more intimate importance, such as the price of flour 
for 20 sous a poxmd in 1721-22 and the fact that in 1740 eggs sold for 
10 sous an egg and that in 1740 the luxuries of the rich were figured 
again on invoices; laces, silks, gold watches, fine jackets, gold and 
silver embroidered on white, yellow, blue and cherry groxmds. 

The story is a continuous one; a more faithful one could not well 
be devised. The papers will be published in regular series in the cur- 
rent numbers of the Quarterly. 

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By David L Bushnell, Jr. 

The southeastern part of the United States, bordering on the 
Gulf of Mexico, and extending westward from the Atlantic to the 
Mississippi, was first traversed by Europeans during the years 
1539-1541 when it was crossed by the Spanish expedition of De 
Soto. At this time much of the area was claimed and occupied by 
Muskhogean tribes who continued to live within their respective 
territories tmtil early in the ninteenth century. Subsequent to the 
days of De Soto many of the smaller tribes became more closely 
allied and formed the Creek Confederacy, whose centers developed 
in the valleys of the Chattahoochee and the Tallapoosa, within the 
present State of Alabama. Westward from these were the Choctaw, 
belonging to the same linguistic family, but possessing different 
manners and customs. The Choctaw occupied the greater part of the 
region now embraced within the boimds of the State of Mississippi, 
and probably touched the shore of Lake Pontchartrain. 

The Tangipahoa and Acolapissa had settlements just north of 
Lake Pontchartrain. The former were probably near the stream 
of that name which enters the lake some distance west of Mandeville, 
and according to the Choctaw living nearby the name was derived 
from two words, tonche, "com," and pahoha, '*cob" or "inside," and 
is literally translated by them "corn-cob." The Acolapissa lived on 
the banks of Pearl River, Talcatcha, a few miles above its mouth. 
The relative connection of the Choctaw, the Tangipahoa, and the 
Acolapissa, has not been clearly established, although all spoke the 
same language and probably had similar manners and customs. 

When New Orleans was settled, now two centuries ago, the 
Choctaw were a numerous people, and their name often appears in 
the annals of the colony. But the Tangipahoa and the Acolapissa 
soon vanished from history, and it is highly probable the remnants 
of the settlements were absorbed by their stronger neighbors. 

The Indians living on the north side of Lake Pontchartrain in 
coming to New Orleans, or the country southward, would have 
crossed the lake, then probably followed some trail leading through 
the intervening lowland. During the past few years traces of a settle- 

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12 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

ment, with fragmentary pottery mingled with the accumulated soil, 
and many himian remains, have been encountered in a slight ridge 
near the shore of the lake some twelve miles northeast of the city. 
This probably marks the landing place on the south shore, where 
parties coming from the other side would encamp, or those returning 
would await favorable weather before attempting the crossing. It 
was not necessarily a permanent village, but a stopping place for those 
who lived beyond the lake. 

At the present time there lived near Bayou Lacomb, some miles 
north of Lake Pontchartrain, in St. Tammany parish, a small group 
of Indians known as Choctaw; but whether they are descendants of 
the Acolapissa, or whether they have descended from an ofifshoot 
from the main Choctaw tribe, may never be ascertained. Now, 
after a lapse of two centuries since the planting of the colony, during 
the greater part of which time the Indians have been in rather close 
intercourse with Europeans, it is interesting to know that many of 
their primitive manners, customs, and beliefs, have persisted, — the 
more interesting of these are presented in the present paper. i 

Many place-names in St. Tammany, names by which the early 
French explorers knew the streams and which consequently must 
date from the days before the coming of Europeans, appear to be of 
Choctaw origin. 

Bayou Castine. This seems to have been derived from the 
Choctaw Caste, or "fleas," so named on account of the great number 
of fleas foimd there. 

Chinchuba creek. Chinchuba being the Choctaw for ''alligator." 
Chefuncte river. The Choctaw word meaning "chinkapin" 
(Castanea pumila.) 

Ponchitoawa creek. The word is translated "singing hair." 
Bogue Falaya. Derived from the Choctaw words, bogu, "river," 
sndfalaya, "long." 

Cane bayou. Called by the Choctaw chela ha, "noisy," so named 
on account of the noise caused by the wind blowing through the 

Bayou Lacomb. Designated by the Choctaw butchu wa, "squeez- 
ing." Their settlement is known by the same name. 

Pearl river. Known to the Choctaw at the present time as 
Hatcha. This is clearly an abbreviation of Talcatcha, "rock river," 
of Penicaut. 

Lake Ponchartrain. The Choctaw name for any wide expanse 

1 — During the winter of 1908-1909 the writer was in St. Tammany parish and devoted much time 
to the Choctaw. The information gathered at this time was given in Bulletin 48, Bure-au of American. 
Ethnology, Washington, 191)9, entitled Tkr Choctaw o1 Bayou Lacomb, Si. Tanitnany Paiish, Louisiana 
Extracts from the Bulletin are included in the present paper. 

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14 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

of water, such as the lake, is OkwS ta, derived from okwa, "water," 
the suffix ta signifying "large" or "wide." 

Habitations. The primitive habitations of the Choctaw who 
lived on the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain are said to have been 
of two forms, circular and rectangular. The former may, in reality, 
refer to the ancient cotmcil house of the commimity. They are 
described as having been formed of a frame work made of small 
saplings, with tops and sides of palmetto thatch. These were, how- 
ever, long ago replaced by the log cabin, and a structure resembling 
the primitive habitation though covered with planks and large shin- 
gles in the place of palmetto. Examples of these are shown in Plate 
...., a reproduction of a painting made by Bernard in 1846 and now 
owned by Mrs. Chas. T. Yenni of New Orleans. The view was proba- 
bly made near Bonfouca, near the site of the first chapel reared by 
P^re Adrian Rouquette who lived among the Indians from 1845 until 
his death in 1887. Bonfouca is some eight miles from Bayou Lacomb. 

Food. In olden times, before guns had been substituted for the 
native weapons, game was abimdant and easily taken. Fish and wild 
fowl, fhiits and vegetables, were plentiful. The finding of the bones of 
the alligator mingled with camp refuse in a domiciliary mound near 
Chinchuba creek, evidently proves the flesh of the alligator to have 
been utilized as an article of food. Several vegetables were raised 
in gardens, among these was a variety of com which, according to the 
people of Lacomb, was prepared in this manner: Tonche (Zea mays), 
was allowed to ripen and harden on the cob; then it was removed and 
dried over hot ashes. Next it was placed in a wooden mortar (kite), 
and pounded with a wooden pestle (ketoke), after which it was placed 
in a winnowing basket (obfko). The obfko being held horizontal and 
moved rapidly up and down, back and forth, throwing the crushed 
grain in tJie air and allowing the lighter particles to be carried off 
and fall into a large flat basket, (tapa), resting on the groimd. The 
grain remaining in the obfko was again pounded in the mortar and then 
passed through a sieve (ishsho ha). The fine particles that passed 
through the sieve were called botu; the coarser portion remaining in 
the sieve being known as tonlache. Much of the botu was parched 
and eaten mixed with water; but most of the coarser tonlache was 
boiled either with or without meat. Nothing is more characteristic 
of the American aborigines than the raising and preparation of corn, 
and the methods followed by the Choctaw near the shore of Lake 
Pontchartrain were probably similar to those known to the tribes 
throughout the valley of the Mississippi. 

Haws and berries of many sorts grow in abundance in the vicinity 
of Bayou Lacomb. Wild crabapples are gathered and dried on a 

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The Choctaw of St. Tammany Parish 15 

frame, they appear to be the only fruit that is preserved in any manner 
and kept for future use. 

Dress and Personal Decoration. The men formerly wore their 
hair of sufficient length to enable them to form it into two braids, 
one on each side of the head. In front the hair was cut straight 
across, above the eyebrowns. The women allowed their hair to grow 
long and tied it up in back. Both men and women painted, and blue, 
red, yellow, and green are remembered to have been used on their 
faces. According to the old women at Lacomb there were no special 
designs, and no combination of colors had any meaning. But one 
favorite design is now recalled, it was a yellow crescent outlined with 
blue, and was painted on both cheeks. It was used by both men 
and women and was intended to represent a new moon in the dark 
blue sky. Tattooing (hanchahale) was likewise practiced by both 
men and women, but to a much less degree than was painting. Lines 
were tattooed on the cheeks, and in some cases the shoulders were so 
decorated, but no other part of the body. The method was to pxmc- 
ture the skin with a fine needle, then to rub soot obtained from 
burning yellow pine over the surface. This was applied several 
times, or tmtil sufficient quantity had entered the pimctures. The 
soot gave a bluish tinge, this alone was used. 

Like many others, the Choctaw are very fond of bright colors. 
In past days they obtained beads and ribbons from the traders, 
and from the shops in New Orleans. 

Artifacts. Few articles are now made by the Indians, and much 
of their ancient art has been forgotten. However, they still follow 
their primitive method of preparing skins, and making dyes for their 
basket-work. During the past few years they have been utilizing 
brilliant aniline dyes but at the present time, (March, 1917), on ac- 
coimt of the scarcity of these, they are about again to begin the making 
and using of their native colors. This will add greatly to the beau- 
ty and interest of their baskets. Three colors are made by the 
Choctaw, the same as were known to all the Southern tribes, these 
are red, yellow, and black; which, together with the natural cane, 
gives them four colors to combine in their work. Yellow is derived 
from the root of the Rumex crispus L. (yellow dock). It is broken 
into small pieces and then boiled in water. The material to be 
colored is placed in this liquid and allowed to boil until the desired 
tint is obtained. To make a red equal parts of the bark of the red oak, 
Quercus texana, and the black gum, Nyssa aquatica L. are burned to a 
fine ash. Water is added to this to form a thick paste. The material 
previously dyed yellow, as described above, is then covered with this 
paste, and within a few hours the strong alkali turns the yellow a 

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16 The Louisiana Historical Qtiarterly 

deep red. Although black is not now made at Lacomb it is known 
to have been made by the **old people," from the bark of a tree that 
grows farther north, — ^this is probably the walnut. 

Of the many types of baskets made by these people the pack 
basket, kishe, is probably the most interesting. They are usually 
about twenty inches in height, the bottom is rectangular with the 
top flaring on two sides. Several examples are shown in Bernard's 

painting, Plate Covered baskets were formerly made, some quite 

large. The pointed type, taposhake chufa; and the elbow shaped, 
taposhake shakapa, are well known forms. 

Pottery vessels are no longer made although they are remem- 
bered to have been made and used within a generation. Pipes of 
earthenware were used tmtil quite recently. It is quite evident that 
fragmentary pottery encoxmtered on several sites in St. Tammany 
parish was of Choctaw origin. 

Spoons are made from cow horns after the fashion of similar ones 
once made by their ancestors from the horns of buffalo. 

Social Culture. 

Transportation. Dugouts, hollowed from a single log of black 
gum, were used on the creeks and bayous. Many of the roads tra- 
versing the parish probably follow tiie courses of ancient Indian 
trails, and even now a road leading from just west of Chinchuba to 
the diore of Lake Pontchartrain, is known as the "Indian road." 
It passes within a few feet of the domiciliary motmd already mention- 
ed, and evidently follows the trail that led from the settlement about 
the mound to the lake shore. 

Hunting and Fishing. The blowgun was used imtil a few years 
ago in htmting small game, and various birds. The weapon (kaklu 
mpa) was formed of a single piece of cane {Arundinaria macrosperma; 
Choctaw, uske); its length was about seven feet, formed by perfo- 
rating the joints. The darts {shuma nte) were made of small canes cw 
pieces of hard yellow pine, having a length of about fifteen to eight- 
een inches. One end was sharpened, the other was wrapped with a 
narrow band of cloth having a frayed edge which extended to the 
rear. Soft, tanned skin was also used for this purpose. The effect 
of this wrapping was to expand and fill the bore of the gim when the 
dart was being projected. Bows and arrows were formerly used, but 
for many generations firearms have been obtained from the French, 
the Spanish, and in later years from the Americans. 

Games and Pastimes. Games of chance appear to have been 
rather few among the Choctaw, but many were imdoubtedly known 
to the older generations that are now lost and forgotten. It is of 

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The Choctaw of St. Tammany Parish 17 

interest, however, to find here a game quite similar to the moccasin 
game of the Algonquin tribes of the north, and although no longer 
played it is remembered by the oldest woman at Lacomb who de- 
scribed it thus: ''Lake lami. Twelve men were required in playing 
the game. They knelt or sat on the groxmd in two rows, or "sides," 
facing each other, six players in each row. Seven hats were placed on 
the groxmd in a line between the two rows of players. The player 
who was to start the game and who was always at one end of his 
row held in one hand a small stone or shot. With his other hand he 
raised all the hats in order, placing xmder one of these the stone or 
shot; during the entire performance he sang a particular song. After 
the stone or shot had been placed, the player sitting opposite him 
guessed xmder which hat it lay. If he did not succeed in three guesses, 
the leader removed the object and again hid it tmder either the same 
or another hat. Then the second player on the opposite side had 
three guesses. If a player guessed tmder which hat the object was 
hidden, he in turn became the leader. Unfortunately, those who 
described the game could not recall how the points were counted. 
They agree, however, that the side having the greater number of 
points made by the six players combined, won." Another favorite 
game was ''Tanje boska, or com game." This was played, the writer 
was informed, with either five or seven kernels of com blackened on 
one side. Holding all the grains in one hand, the players tossed 
them on the grotmd, each player having three throws. The one 
making the greater number of points in the aggregate, won. Each 
'black' turned up coxmted one point; all 'white' turned up coxmted 
either five or seven points, according to the number of kernels used. 
Any number of persons could play at the same time, but usually 
there were omly two." 

The great ball game of the Choctaw, so often mentioned by the 
early writers, is known to the people of Lacomb, and a variation of the 
game is now played by them. At the present time the children know 
several games played by the whites. Marbles and tag being among 

Dances. The people to whom this article refers have one dance 
ceremony which is in reality a series of seven distinct dances, per- 
formed in a fixed order. The names of the dances in the order given 
are: Nanena hitkla, Man dance; Shatene hitkla. Tick dance; Kwishco 
hitkla, Drunkenman dance; Tinsanale hitkla; Fuchuse hitkla. Duck 
dance; Hitkla Falama, Dance Go-and-come; Siente hitkla, Snake 
dance. Every dance was accompanied by a particular song or chant. 
The dances were usually, if not always, performed at night. 

Medicinal plants. The Choctaw make use of a large variety of 

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18 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

plants, some of which have medicinal properties, but many being 
quite valueless. Some are boiled and the extract is drunk, others 
are prepared as dressings or poultices for wounds. 

Marriage ceremony. The native ceremony of the Choctaw, as 
was followed until a few years ago, was thus described by the women 
of Lacomb: When a man decided he wanted to marry a certain 
girl he confided in his nearest female relative, she then talked with the 
mother or nearest relative of the girl and if they agreed, they in turn 
visited the two chiefs or heads of their respective ogla. As a man 
could not marry in his own ogla the women were often obliged to make 
long trips before seeing the two chiefs whose villages were frequently 
far apart. After all had been arranged the man, accompanied by 
many of his friends, went to the girl's village. As the time for the 
ceremony drew near the woman with her friends were seen some 
distance away. The man and his party approached and attempted 
to catch the girl, then followed sham fighting during which time the 
girl apparently attempted to escape, but she was caught by the man 
and his friends and relatives. Then all went to a spot where a feast 
had been prepared, both parties having contributed. Off to one 
side four seats had been arranged in a row, the man and girl took the 
middle seats and on the ends sat the two male heads or chiefs of their 
respective ogla. Certain questions were then asked by the chiefs, 
and if all answers were satisfactory, the man and girl agreed to live 
together as man and wife and were permitted to do so. So closed 
the ceremony after which was feasting and dancing. The man con- 
tinued to live in his wife's village and their children belonged to her 

Religion. As has been mentioned, Pere Rouquette lived among the 
Choctaw of St. Tammany parish from the year 1845 until his death in 
1887, and during this time brought many under the influence of the 
Roman Catholic Church. But even before the coming of the Father 
the Indians had probably been influenced by others. It is evident 
they did not then agree among themselves regarding the future 
state, and some held to the belief that with death all existence ceased. 
They seemed to have had a vague idea of a spirit in the body, but 
when the spirit died, then man, or rather the body, ceased to move. 
"Others, who are said to have constituted the predominating element 
in the tribe, had a radically different conception of man's future 
state. These believed in the existence of two spirits — Aba being the 
*good spirit above' and Nanapolo the *bad spirit. " They also 
have remarkable beliefs of ghosts, and spirits encountered on lonely 
trails. Dreams are explained through the belief that during sleep the 

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The Choctaw of St. Tammany Parish 19 

'spirit' leaves'the body, and when it returns relates to the individual 
alljthatj^it has seen and done. 

Myths and legends. The Choctaw, like all aborigines, possess a 
vast number of tales, many probably having been told and retold 
through generations. The majority reflect the natural environment 
of the people, with many references to the deep, dark waters, the 
lonely paths through forests, and certain phenomena of the southern 
country. Fanciful beings are met in many of the myths, one being 
Kashehotoapalo. This, so they say, "is neither man nor beast. His 
head is small and his face shriveled and evil to look upon; his body 
is that of a man. His legs and feet are those of a deer, the former 
being covered with hair and the latter having cloven hoofs. He lives 
in low, swampy places, away from the habitations of men. When 
hunters go near his hiding place, he quietly slips up behind them 
and calls loudly, then turns and runs swiftly away. He never attempts 
to harm the hxmters, but delights in frightening them. The sound 
uttered by Kashehotoapalo resembles the cry of a woman, and that is 
the reason for his name (kasheho, 'woman;' tapalo, 'call.' ") 

And this legend is supposed to explain why the 'Possum has a 
large mouth: "It had been a dry season and there was very little 
food for Deer, consequently he had become thin and rather weak. 
One day Deer met 'Possum and exclsiimed: *Why! Possiun, how 
very fat you are. How do you keep so fat when I can not find enough 
to eat?' And 'Possum answered, 'I live on persimmons, and they are 
unusually large this year, I have all I want to eat.' 'But how do you 
get persimmons, which grow so high above the groimd?' That is 
very easily done,' replied 'Possum. *I go to the top of a high hill and, 
and, nmning swiftly down, strike a persimmon tree so hard with 
my head that all the ripe persimmons fall to the ground. Then I 
sit there and eat and eat until I cannot hold more.' 'Indeed, that is 
easily done,' answered Deer; 'now watch me.' 

So 'Possum waited near the tree while Deer went to the top of a 
nearby hill. And when Deer reached the top of the hill, he turned 
and then ran quickly down, striking the tree with so great force that 
he was killed and all his bones broken. When 'Possum saw what 
Deer had done, he laughed so hard that he stretched his mouth, 
which remains large even to this day." 

Such are their primitive tales and beliefs. 

In presenting these references to the manners and customs of 
the Choctaw of St. Tammany parish, it is hoped others may become 
interested in preserving notes on the Indians scattered throughout 
Loviisiana. Small groups and individuals are met with in widely 

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20 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

separated localities. Some may represent the last of a little-known 
tribe, and may possess knowledge of inestimable value to the his- 
torian and ethnologist at the present time. All such information 
should be carefully gathered and preserved; another generation and 
little win remain. 

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His Excellency, the President of the Mexican Republic 

with Regard to the Boundaries of the Province 

of Texas with that of Louisiana. 


Press of the Supreme Government 

In Charge of 

Cavalier Pedro Pina. 


The Commission named by the Supreme Government of the 
Nation, having already left Mexico to fix the territorial boundaries 
of our Republic with that of the United States of North America, 
it will be very useful that we Mexicans should know something of 
what has occtirred in former years with regard to this question. 
With this end in view, and desiring to make known the labors of a 
native of Zacatecas, the Reverend Fray Jose Maria Puelles, the 
actual guardian of the Apostolic College of Guadalupe, to whom the 
said Supreme Government entrusted the making of a report covering all 
the information he had acquired during his long stay in those countries 
as a missionary, which report will imdoubtedly prove very useful 
to the Commissioners, I have resolved to publish same in order to 
do this service to our country, and also recommend the dilligence of 
the author, who has deserved the approval of the Government, as 
will be seen from the following commimication: 

"Ministry of Justice and Ecclesiastical Affairs. Section: I have 
reviewed the report sent by you under date of the 28th of last Novem- 
ber, relative to the occidental boundaries of Texas and Louisiana, 
and His Excellency, the President, has remarked the thoroughness 
with which you have prepared them and your zeal in behalf of the 
interests of the Mexican Republic, but as you cite, among other docu- 
ments, the calendar or commercial almanack written in New Orleans 
for the year 1807 by Mr. Laffont, his Excellency orders me to request 
ycu the loan of said documents which you may send to this office, 
of which I am in charge, to be returned as soon as it has served its 
purpose. God & Liberty. 

Mexico, the 22nd of December, 1827. R. ARIZPE. 

To Reverend Father Guardian of the Apostolic College of our Lady 
of Guadalupe of Zacatecas.'' 

The report is as follows: 

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Imprenla del supremo gobierno^ a 'cargo 

del c. Pedro Pina* 

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Upon the Boundaries of the Province of Texas 

with that of Louisiana. 


As a consequence of what I have promised your Excellency, and 
in order to correspond to the confidence of his Excellency, the Presi- 
dent of the Federation, you ask me, imder date of the 7th of this 
month, to obtain all the documents existing in the archives imder 
my charge relating to the occidental boimdaries of the province of 
Louisiana with that of Texas, or New Philippines, and that I consult 
with regard to this matter with other priests of this College who have 
travelled in these countries, beg to say: that two priests have investi- 
gated these archives without finding anything at all, probably be- 
cause the docimients formerly kept here and in the archives of the 
Province of Texas, were sent to the Capital City of Mexico or to 
the offices of the Commandant General of Chihauhua, who at the 
beginning of this century endeavored to collect from all the archives 
subject to his inspection all the papers bearing on the said, subject, 
or possibly prior to this date these docimients had been given to other 
Colleges in order to form a chronicle of them. 

I have consulted, as yoxir Excellency charges me, with the 
Reverend Father Commissary, actual Prefect of Missions, Fray 
Manuel Gaitan, with the Reverend Father ex-Guardian Fray Ber- 
nadino Vallejo, and with the Reverend Father Fray Jose Maria 
Delgadillo, all of whom resided a great many years on the Texan 
frontier, near Louisiana, and they know no more than what is cxir- 
rently known by everyone living in those places, and that is that the 
boimdary of Texas begins with the River that fl^ows into the Gulf 
ofMexico at degrees 39 and a few minutes, the line following up to its 
head waters; from there to the Arroyo Hondo (Deep Creek) or 
Mountain River (as it is called by some Frenchmen) which is situated 
three leagues to the west of Nachitoches at the 23nd degree of lati- 
tude and 284th degree and 30 minutes longitude from the Peak of 
Tenerife. From there the line follows cutting in the center of the 
lakes that are to the westward and that are formed by the Red River 
(also known as the Nachitoches, Cadaudachos, or Palisade River) 
up to the 32nd degree 10 minutes latitude, where the said river crosses 

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24 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

the line and txirns diagonally until it flows into the Missouri, which 
enters the Mississippi at latitude 38 degrees 30, minutes. This is 
what the Fathers laiow and what was known by all the old Spanish 
and French settlers when I was there at the beginning of this cen- 
tury. This knowledge was a tradition which had been handed 
down to them by their forefathers, and of which in former years the 
Mexican Government has compiled an act to that effect, sworn to 
by more than six witnesses of great age, who swore that they had 
always heard said that such were the limits. 

At the beginning of this century, and whilst residing on the 
referred to frontier, I was commissioned by Brigadier General D. 
Nemecio Salcedo to look up archives and make plans of these Pro- 
vinces and their boundaries and make a report of my findings.. But 
after two months I was relieved of my commission on accoimt of 
(so I was told) misimderstandings between the Commandant 
General and the Viceroy, and also because the Rev. Father Fray 
Melchor Talamantes, who acting imder orders of the Government 
worked on the same subject in Mexico City, and the Rev. Father 
Fray Jose Maria Rojas, a pupil of this College, who acting imder 
instructions of 'the Commandant General, investigated the same 
subject in Chihuahua, foimd in the course of their work documents 
bearing upon the subject with which they seemed satisfied, all of 
which documents remained in possession of Father Talamantes. 

All the information acquired during the course of my investi- 
gations was turned over to the Commandant General at Chihuahua, 
and of the plans which I made by accumulating all the data at hand, 
I gave one to the Commandant General, one to D. Jose de la Cruz 
in year 1815, another to Don Caesareo de la Rosa, who now resides 
in Guadalajara, when in former years he was sent to Spain as a dele- 
gate to Congress; yet another one was stolen from me by the Engi- 
neer Don Nicolas Finiels, who accompanied the ex-Marquis of 
Casa Calvo in 1804 on the occasion of his visit to the frontier of 
Texas, as delegate of the Spanish Government to settle the boun- 
daries of this Province with that of Louisiana. Various copies of 
these plans have been made. The foreigners living in the province 
have also made fairly accurate plans of the region. 

The manuscripts you speak of, entitled Memoirs of Texas, 
written by the Rev. Father Morfi, are full of important errors, inas- 
much as this person never had the opportunity of reviewing them. 
These same errors are contained in History of New Philippines, or 
Province of Texas, written by Don Carlos Cifuenza y Gongora, for 
as he wrote a long time ago and without the necessary knowledge, 
his writings are very incomplete. The Mexican Theatre, written by 

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Report of the Texas Boundary 25 

the Cavalier Villasenor, is also full of errors. The Conquest ofNuva 
Galicia hardly mentions the Province of Texas. What Don Antonio 
Bonilla wrote on the subject is very fine; he, however, wrote very 
fast and without practical knowledge of facts. The same thing 
occurs with the writings of the Rev. Father Fray Melchor Talamantes 
of the Order of Mercy, This enlightened writer studied all available 
documents, but he wrote so far away from the Province of Texas, 
and as he had never been there he could not give a perfect account 
of the region, and some of his writings are confused. Better by far 
is the account of the voyage of the ex-Marquis of San Miguel de 
Aguayo, printed at the beginning of the last century, a copy of which 
exists in the Capital. The chronicles of the Apostolic Colleges 
written by the Rev. Father Fray Isidoro Espinosa in 1746, and Fray 
Domingo Arrecivia in 1792, both sons of the College of Quaratero, 
are also very good. Antonio Herrera and his pupils have also written 
on the subject, although some of these writings are not quite clear. 
The same thing occurs with Garcilazo de la Vega in his History (tf 
Florida, otherwise kncJwn as The Incas of Peru. This is even less 
clear than the preceding writings. Lately, Senor Onis, the Spanish 
Ambassador to the U. S., has written intelligently on the subject 
and his writings, as well as those before mentioned, can be had in 
Mexico, where also resides Senor don Francisco Velasco, Secretary 
in the office of the Commandant General of Chihuahua, a man well 
versed in the affairs of his office and of a great deal of talent, who can 
inform you with regard to the documents I mention above. Several 
Frenchmen have also written oh the subject, amongst them a certain 
M. Dupratz, who resided in Louisiana from 1718 to 1734, but his 
history is full of falsehoods, especially in that part wherein he states 
that the limits of Louisiana extend to the west up to the Bravo or 
North River, by which statement he makes known his malice or ig- 
norance and that he had not read, nor does he know in what year the 
Spaniards peopled the Province of Texas or New Philippines. This is 
the reason why credit should not be given to writings of French authors, 
excepting the notes in the commercial almanack, written in New 
Orleans in 1807 by M. Laffont. 

Notwithstanding the foregoing I will say: that the Spaniards 
were the first to recognize the Province of Louisiana and Florida, as 
also the Province of Texas. The last province extended at first from 
the Red River, or de los Cadaudachos, or the Palisades or Nachi- 
toches, as far as the Trinidad River, or River of Flowers or Magda- 
lena River, that is to the westward of the first named river. But 
after the Cabinet had withdrawn the government from the Presidio 
of Adaix near Louisiana, and sent it to that of Bejar, 200 leagues to 

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26 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

the west southwest, the limits were fixed in the same direction by 
the River Nueces, which enters the Gulf of Mexico at the south, 
and to the north of Nueces by the River Medina, which enters the 
San Antonio de Bejar, in order to divide the Province of Coahuila 
from that of Santander. 

The Trinidad River, or River of Flowers, or Magdalena River, 
as it is called by various authors, has its source at the 34th degree of 
latitude, and enters the Gulf of Mexico at the 29th degree 20 minutes 
of latitude and 283rd degree of longitude from the Peak of Tenerife. 
The Red River before mentioned, or as it is otherwise known, the 
Palisades or de los Cadaudochos, has its source at the 36th degree 
of latitude, facing east of Santa Fe, capital of New Mexico, and run- 
ing east, southeast enters the Mississippi at the 30th degree of 

From the following notes your Excellency will see that the 
Spaniards were the first to occupy the Province of Texas or New 
Philippines and that of Louisiana and Florida, and you will also be 
able to deduct our absolute and incontestable right to all the old 
Province of Texas before the Anglo-Americans extended themselves 
to the Sabines River at the beginning of this century, which river 
is 25 Spanish leagues to the west of the Red or Nachitoches in the 
32nd degree of latitude, for the Anglo-Americans desired, as the 
French had also desired, to extend their boundaries as far as the 
Bravo or North River, because they had heard it said that these 
were the limits, or possibly they had read the reports sent to the 
Court of France in the first part of the 17th century, confusing the 
above river with another which the French explorers of Louisiana 
had also called Bravo or North River and which is really an arm of 
the Mississippi which flows from it at the 30th degree of latitude and 
enters Mexican territory at the 29th degree and 29 minutes in Ver- 
milion or Ascension Bay. 

It is here necessary for me, to advise before I forget it, that 
there is a Sabines River, or as it is also called Salty River, in the 
Province of Coahuila, which enters the Rio Grande or North River 
at the 28th degree of latitude and the 277th of longitude from the 
Peak of Tenerife. 

In the year 1512 Juan Ponce de Leon, a Spaniard, entered 
Florida in its southern part, at Easter time, and navigated along 
the coast of Mexico. 

A few years later a pilot named Miruelo was dashed by a tempest 
on the coast of Florida, but having lost his bearings was unable to 
return to port. 

In the year 1518 the Spanish Captain Juan de Gujalva traveled 

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Report of the Texas Boundary 27 

along the coast of the Province of Panuca from San Juan de Ulua 
up to what is now called Tamaulipas or Province of New Santander; 
he passed the Bravo or North River and called all this region New 
Spain. {Fasti novi orbis.) 

In the year 1520 Captain Lucas Vasquez de Allon traveled 
along the coast of Texas or New Philippines and explored the mouth 
of the Mississippi, which he called Mud Cape. He crossed by land 
the Province of Texas, explored the Sabine or Mexican River with his 
troops and was killed in a fight with the Indians in the year 1524 
at the 30th degree of latitude. According to the book 'Fasti novi 
orbis' and that of M. Lafont, all these chiefs led their expeditions by 
order of the Spanish Government. 

In the year 1523, and by order of Francis the First, King of 
France, Juan Verasani sailed along the eastern coast of Florida and 
penetrated up to the 50th degree through territory now owned by the 

In 1528 the Spaniard, Panfilo de Narvaez, entered western 
Florida and established himself cm the 5th of June in a place now 
called Apalaches in 30th degree of latitude. {Fasti novi orbis.) 

Panfilo de Masiunes entered Florida in the same year and place 
as de Narvaez, both acting under orders of their Government. 

In 1537 Panfilo de Narvaez again entered Florida. His expedi- 
tion was imfortimate however, only foxir men surviving. These 
were called Alvaro Nxmez Cabeza de Vaca, Andres Dorantes, Alonso 
del Castillo and a negro called Estebanico. These survivors seeing 
the armada lost, their companions dead, determined to push on to 
Panuca and from there to Mexico. They crossed a great many 
regions, saw various nations of Indians, who guided them from one 
place to another as far as Culiacan in Sonora, passing through 
Louisiana, Texas, and the Province of Coahuila, etc.,' etc. (See 
Garcilazo de la Vega.) 

In 1539 the Spanish Franciscan Monk, Marcos de Nisa, traveled 
through the kingdom of Cibula, which, : o I have been informed, is 
situated west of the region now called New Mexico. He explored 
all that region as far as the Mississippi. This exp^ition of Marcos 
de Nisa caused several others to be sent out afterwards. {Fasti Novi 

In 1539 the Spanish Captain Fernando de Soto, Governor of 
Havana, entered Florida the 12th of May, explored all the Province 
on both sides of the Mississippi up to the 34th degree; he traveled 
as far as the Red or Cadaudachos or Nachitoches or Palisades River, 
which is in the same degree, and whilst traveling down this river and 
fighting with the Indians was killed in the year 1541 at a place 

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28 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

between the above named river and the Mississippi fronting what is 
now Rosavellon or Natchez; his companions, headed by Luis Marcos 
Alvarado, a Spaniard, retreated down the Mississippi near the 
Mexican coast, which territory they penetrated several times. The 
referred to Captain Fernando de Soto entered the above regions 
imder orders of the Spanish Government with 1000 men, only 300 
of whom survived. In order not to confuse history and know the 
mistakes of the French, please note that deSoto called the Missis- 
sippi Rio Grande, a name subsequently given to the Bravo or North 
River. {Garcilazo de la Vega,) 

In the year 1540, and acting imder orders of the Viceroy don 
Antonio Mendoza, Captain Francisco Vasquez Camero entered 
California, searched for the Kingdom of Quivira, which I am informed 
lies west of New Mexico, crossed that of Cibula, which, as already 
stated, is west of the said Province. (Fasti Novi Orbis.) 

In 1562 the French, imder Juan de Rivaud, entered southern 
Florida and penetrated the coimtry sixty leagues to the north. 

. In 1582, and acting imder orders of their Government, Captain 
Espejo and the Franciscan Monk, Father Augustin Ruiz, both 
Spaniards, entered New Mexico after having explored various re- 
gions on both sides of the river. (Fasti Norn Orvis,) 

In 1583 Ricardo Granville, a Frenchman, entered southern 

In 1596, by order of Philip II, contained in his transcript to the 
Viceroy of Mexico, Zuniga de Acevedo, Count of Monterrey, Juan 
Onate, accompanied by various priests, entered New Mexico; after- 
wards in the time of Philip III don Diego Vargas Zapata, Marquis 
of Nava, entered the Province for the purpose of reconquering it. In 
this and various other expeditions our people penetrated up to the 
46th degree on the Bravo or North River. Never had the French 
arrived this far, nor had they ever visited the mouth of the river on 
the Mexican Coast, although they assert having arrived at this point, 
because in former years, during the exploration of Louisiana they 
visited an arm of the Mississippi, distant about 50 leagues from the 
real mouth of said river, which they erroneously called Bravo or North 
River, mistaking it for the real river, which is very far away on the 
same coast, and also because they had not read very well what is 
written in the Spanish books. Since then many new settlements 
have been founded in New Mexico by the Spaniards, which were 
formerly called New Granada. 

In this region resides the Theguas, and in Theguaya the first 
mission was founded in 1608, and at the time more than eighty 
souls were baptized. (See Torquemada, Indian Monarchy — Vol.1, 

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Report of the Texas Boundary 29 

book 5, chap. 26 and following). Please note here that the inhabi- 
tants of New Mexico have always extended themselves since its foun- 
dation, 'eastward, traversing many very near the Missis- 
sippi. Hence I do not see with what authority the King of England, 
who must have been Charles II, gave to the settlers and inhabitants 
of the Carolinas, which are in the 35th degree in the Anglo-American 
States, all the lands from the eastern coast down to the southern 
seas, inasmuch as the Provinces of Texas and New Mexico had al- 
ready been foimded. Thus was it related to me by various Anglo- 
Americans when I visited those countries in the year 1803. 

In 1611 the referred to Captain Juan de Onate set out from New 
Mexico, eastward, discovered the Canibaros Lakes, whoever knows 
which these may be, as also a Red River which appears to be the 
Cadaudachos or Palisade; from here comes the certain rights of the 
Spaniards to all the lands east of New Mexico, besides those already 
expressed, and for this reason I judge well placed my dividing line 
mentioned before between this coimtry and tiiat of Louisiana. 

In 1630 his Excellency, the Viceroy Marquis de Cerralvo, 
commissioned don Hernando de Leon to discover the northern coast, 
reported this order to Madrid, where no instructions were issued. 
(This appears in the report P. I. No. 15, page, 19 No. 170, of the year 
1778, in those archives). The said Hernando de Leon traveled more 
than 276 leagues from south to northeast up to the Red or Palisade 
River; where the French afterwards foimded Nachitoches. 

In the year 1664, the French did not yet know the Mississippi 
nor its western shores, and at this time iJiey foimded the Caroli 
Fort in Pensacola. 

In 1671, through a contingency, the Capuchin Monk Annepin 
set out from Canada and arrived on the shores of the Mississippi at 
the 36th degree of latitude. 

In 1673 the Jesuit Marquette set out from Canada, discovered 
various rivers, including the Arkansas, which is west of the Mis- 
sissippi and which flows into the last named river at the 34th degree 
of latitude. 

On the 18th of November, 1678, the Chevalier Robert de La 
Salle (together with Father Hennepin) Governor of Canada, received 
an order to make new discoveries 

In 1679, the same Robert de LaSalle, accompanied by Father 
Annepin, set out from Canada and visited the Mississippi at the 
same degree of latitude mentioned above. They built a fort which 
they called Fort Saint Anthony; they explored the western shores of 
the Saint Francis River, and the first fort built by the French on the 

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30 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Mississippi was erected by them at a point now called Black Islands, 
and its capital Santa Genoveva. 

In 1682 the same Robert de LaSalle traveled down the Mis- 
sissippi to its mouth which he explored on the 2nd of February of 
the same year. 

In 1684 the referred to Robert de LaSalle returned to Quebec 
in Canada; and after obtaining all he wished, plus four small ships 
sailed for the Mississippi on July 4th. 

In 1685 his expedition came to grief; he lost three ships on the 
shores of the Island of Santo Domingo; he could not ^locate the 
mouth of the Mississippi, and took refuge on the coast of Saint 
Bernard in February of the same year, stopping at an island called 

In 1687, after having erected a wooden fort in the aforesaid 
bay, Robert de LaSalle was killed by a Mr. Duhan and all of his 
people rebelled against him. This is the only evidence that the 
French have for alleging that all Texas is theirs. But this claim is 
without valid foimdation, for Robert de LaSalle arrived on those 
shores accidentally and without a legitimate commission. All of his 
companions were killed by the Indians of the coast. These spared 
only one little French girl and two little French boys called Talon 
and Mimi, all of whom were afterwards taken from the Indians by 
the Spanish troops, who presented them to the Viceroy and Vicereine. 

In 1688 a few Indians reported to Father Fray Damian Mazanet, 
a Missionary of the Holy Cross of Queratero in the Mission of San- 
tiago in the Department of Coahuila, that some Frenchmen were 
settling in the bay of the Holy Spirit, on the Coast of Saint Bernard 
about 150 leagues to the east. Father Mazanet reported back to the 
Governor don Alfonso de Leon, who by order of the Viceroy of Mexico, 
the Count of Galvez, set out to expel these settlers. He found on 
arriving at the spot mentioned that all the Indians had said was true; 
but that they had killed all the Frenchmen and destroyed their fort. 
(See Padre Espinosa in The Chronicle of the Colleges). During this 
expedition the Texas Indians asked the Spaniards to people their 
lands, which lie west of the Trinidad or River of Flowers or Mag- 
dalena River, as it is sometimes called, which request was subse- 
quently granted. 

In 1690, March the 27th, don Alfonso de Leon, Governor of 
Coahuila, headed a second expedition into Texas. On the 26th of 
April they explored the Bay of the Holy Spirit; they found there the 
artillery brought by Robert de LaSalle and they finished the de- 
struction of his fort. The troops navigated the San Marcos, Guada- 
upe or River of Flowers, the San Antonio of Bejar, the Red or Cane 

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Report of the Texas Boundary ' 31 

River, the Brazos de Dios, the Santa Teresa or Barroso, the Trinidad 
or River of Flowers or Magdalena Rivers and arrived at the Netches 
River, in the 31st degree of latitifde and the 282nd degree 30 minutes 
of longitude from the Peak of Tenerife. On the 25th of May the 
first Mass was said in those regions. The Texas Indians swore 
obedience to his Majesty Charles the Second, King of Spain. The 
Miss onaries were' placed in charge of the first mission founded in 
Texas, which was called the Mission of San Francisco. The troops, 
after leaving four priests and a few soldiers in charge, returned to 
Monclova, capital of the Province of Coahuila, where they arrived 
in the middle of July of the same year. {Chronicle of the Colleges, 
page 409.) 

In the same year, 1690, the Mission of Jesus, Mary and Joseph 
was foimded in that region. I do not mention the missions foimded 
in Coahuila, New Kingdom of Leon, Santander or Tamaulipas, for 
this is not necessary, as they were foimded at various times and a 
great many years before. 

In the year 1691 the Council of War held in Mexico decided 
to send a new expedition into Texas under conunand of don Domingo 
Teran, Governor of Coahuila. The new expedition set out and es- 
tablished its first camp on the banks of the San Marcos River, which 
river enters the Guadalupe from the east at the 30th degree of lati- 
tude. From there the Governor set out to again explore the Bay of 
the Holy Spirit. On the 26th of October a jimction was effected 
with the troops the Viceroy had sent by sea, and the expedition 
progressed almost up to the Fort of Mataforda. After taking the 
cannons left by Robert de LaSalle at the Arroyo de la Baca, which 
enters the lagoons at the 28th degree and 40 minutes latitude, and 
280th degree and 10 minutes longitude, they proceeded to the Red 
or Cadaudachos or Palisade River. On the 30th of November 
soiindings were taken of this river for a distance of three leagues in 
the Indian canoes at about the 32nd degree of latitude. Thus was 
it seen that the missions founded before were distant about 56 Span- 
ish leagues due west, and the troops repaired thereto. (See Chronicle 
of the Colleges.) 

In the year 1692, about the beginning of February, the troops 
returned to the province of Coahuila. 

In 1693 the settlers of the missions along the frontier became 
frightened because of a false rumor that the French in the Provinces 
of Mobile and Florida, all east of the Mississippi, were about to in- 
vade Texas or New Philippines. During the month of October all 
the missionaries and settlers withdrew to the missions afterwards 
called Bejar, on the San Antonio or Deep River at the 30th degree 

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32 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

of latitude. The fears of the missionaries and settlers were ground- 
less, as the French were about 200 Spanish leagues away to the east 
southeast. (See Chronicles of the Colleges.) 

In 1697 Iberville, a Canadian gentleman, sailed from Rochefort 
with two ships to explore the Mississippi. 

In 1698 he succeeded in his endeavors, brought families from 
Canada, and established them about 15 leagues from "la Baliza del 
Mississippi" on the right bank of the river at Fort Bourbon, facing 
Plaquemine. (M. Laffoilt.) 

On the 23rd of October, 1700, his Majesty Philip IV, King of 
Spain, was informed of the foundation of the Mission of the Holy 
Cross of Queratero, and of the necessity of founding new missions 
along the San Marcos and Guadalupe rivers, to which he acceded 
in four transcripts, — one directed to the Viceroy of Mexico Senor 
Valladares, one to the Bishop of Guadalajara under whose jurisdiction 
these regions were; one to the Governor of the Province of Coahulia, 
and another to the Governor of New Leon, all in favor of the mission- 
aries. (See Chroncicles of the Colleges.) 

In 1701, we must here note that as yet the French were not in 
possession of one inch of territory in the Province of Texas or New 
Philippines, nor had they approached any of its frontier. 

In the same year, 1701, the Jesuit Father Francisco Kino, 
traveled the Colorado (or Red) River that flows into the sea of 
California. I mention this so as to avoid confusing the said river 
with the other Colorado (Red) Rivers that are in the Province of 

In 1702 new French colonists entered Mobile. 

In 1703 they erected Fort Louis. 

In the same year, 1703, the King of Spain was petitioned to 
found the College of Our Lady of Guadalupe of Zacatecas, for the 
reason that it was well situated so that its sons could found new 
missions in the Province of Texas. 

In 1704, the 27th of January, a royal transcript was issued to 
that effect ; said transcript arrived in 1706, and on the 12th of January, 
1707, the Rev. Father Marjil, foimder and first President of the 
College, took possession of his office. 

In 1709, by order of the Viceroy of Mexico, the D\ike of Al- 
buquerque, another expedition set out from Coahuila to visit the 
Province of Texas, and said expedition traveled up to the Trinidad 
River, or River of Flowers, or Magdalena River, at the 31st degree 
of latitude. (See Chronicle of the Colleges.) 

In 1711 the French occupied Dolfin Island, and in 1712 both 
the Spanish and French settlers fixed the frontiers of these eastern 

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Report of the Texas Boundary 33 

Provinces, and the King of France made a royal grant of lands and 
privileges in favor of Mr. Croisat, which certainly the said Monarch 
had no right to do, as these lands were not his to give. (See Mr. 

In the year 1714 Father Hildago wrote to the French in Louisiana 
asking them to pacify the nations of Indians by force of arms, and in 
answer to this invitation three of them penetrated as far as the 
Mission San Juan Bautista, situated on the Northern Bravo River. 
The Government did not admit them, but on the contrary sent 
them under arrest to the Viceroy, to whom they declared that they 
had come to buy cattle, and Father Hidalgo was reprimanded by the 
Government of Mexico. . 

In 1716, inasmuch as the French from Mobile had penetrated 
as far as the Mission San Juan Bautista de Espana, which is sit- 
uated at the 39th degree and 30 minutes on the Northern Bravo 
River, the Viceroy, the Duke of Linares, ordered that the Province 
of Texas should again be settled, which was done, the expedition 
being headed by the Lieutenant of Coahuila, Don Domingo Ramon, 
who entered in the referred to Province June 28th of the same year, 
accompanied by the venerable Father Marjil. The old missions 
founded in 1690 were re-established, and the following new ones 
foimded: On the 7th of May that of the 'Turisima Concepcion"; 
on the 9th that of N. S. de Guadelupe de Nacogdoches, at the 31st 
degree and 30 minutes, and July 10th that of San Jose near the others; 
and the Viceroy ordered that a garrison of 25 soldiers should be left 
for their custody. 

In 1717, in the month of January, the venerable Father Marjil 
foimded the Mission of N. S. de los Dolores de los Aix, or Asies 
Indians, on the small river of that name, and about 16 leagues to the 
east of that of Nacogdoches. In February of the same year the 
venerable Father visited the Yatase Indians, who were situated on 
the Red or Palisade River at the 33rd degree. In March the vener- 
able Father foimded the Mission of Saint Michael in the Creek of the 
Adaiz or Adaises Indians, 7 leagues west of the Red or de los Cadauda- 
chos or Palisade River at the 32nd degree. In the same year, by order 
of the Viceroy, Marquis de Valero, the venerable Father Marjil 
explored the western shores of the above named river at a place now 
called Natchitoches. In this voyage he encoimtered no opposition 
whatever, as the French had not yet made their appearance in those 
regions. About this time the Viceroy issued an order that all the 
regions were to pass imder the control of the Governor of Monclova, 
capital of the Province of Coahuila, Sergeant-Major Don Martin de 

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34 The Ijmisiana Historical Quarterly 

Alarcon, and that missions, settlements, and fortresses should be 
established without delay. (See Chronicle of the Colleges.) 

In the same year, 1717, September 6th, a Frenchman named 
Low, organized the West Indies Company, which company, fearing 
the advance of the Spaniards through Texas, ordered the creation 
of the Natchitoches fort on the eastern bank of the Red or de los 
Cadaudachos or Palisade River at the 32nd degree, directly facing 
the actual town of that name (Mr. Laffont), the river being recog- 
nized as the boimdary by both the Spaniards and French, so the last 
claim; and I have been told by the old settlers that if a Frenchman 
transgressed the law and crossed the river to the western shores he 
was not followed, out of respect for Spanish territory. In the same 
year the mission of San Antonio de Valero was foimded on the east- 
em bank of the Deep or San Antonio River at the 30th degree of 
latitude. (See Chronicle of the Colleges.) 

In 1718 the people began to call the Province of Texas New 
Philippines, in honor of Phillip V, King of Spain and these Indies. 
The Governor of Coahuila and Texas, Don Martin de Alarcon, 
visited the Bay of the Holy Spirit, the interior of the Province of 
Texas up to the frontier, the Red or Colorado River (Palisade) etc. 
He left a few soldiers in the Adaix Mission, and so appears in our 
Chronicle, Bejar began to assume the importance of a garrison, for 
50 soldiers and their captain were left at that place. 

In the same year, 1718, the French, with a few poverty stricken 
people, founded New Orleans, and in this same year, 1718, the Mission 
of San Francisco de Solano was transferred from the margins of the 
Northern Rio Grande to that of San Antonio de Bejar. 

In 1719 news was received through Louisiana at Fort Nachitoches 
on the frontier, that France and Spain were at war and the French 
Commandant of Nachitoches, with his few miserable soldiers, at- 
tacked the Spanish Mission of Adaix, 7 leagues west of Nachitoches. 
He encoimtered no resistance, as the people of the mission fled, be- 
lieving that they were going to be attacked by a large force. The 
French sacked the sacred ornaments and vases, took as prisoners a 
lay priest, one soldier, and all the chickens they could find. The 
news of this feat of arms traveled very fast and all the inhabitants 
of the missions foimded in previous years fled to that of Vejar, 200 
leagues west. 

In the same year, 1719, the Mission and Fortress of The Holy 
Spirit was establidied at the mouth of the before mentioned Arroyo 
de la Baca. 

In the same year, 1719, Mr. Viron, a Frenchman, traveled up 
the Arkansas River as far as the 35th degree, where reside the Pa- 

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Report of the Texas Boundary 35 

douca nation of Indians. This river enters the Mississippi at the 
33rd degree and 30 minutes. (Mr. Laffont.) 

In 1720 the French founded Natchez on the eastern shore of the 
Mississippi. (Mr. Laffont.) 

In the same year, 1720, the venerable Father Marjil founded 
the San Jose Mission on the San Antonio de Bejar River, 3 leagues 
to the southwest of the said river, and that of N. S. de Guadalupe in 
the Bay of the Holy Spirit, then known as Arroyo de Baca. 

In 1721 the Marquis of San Miguel de Agnayo was named 
Governor of these regions. He arrived at the fortress on the San 
Antonio River in March, and reached the missions on the frontiers 
of Texas with his troops July 28th. These missions were re-peopled 
as far as that of Adaix, and at a short distance a fortress of the same 
name was erected. One himdred soldiers were left as a garrison, a 
church was built, dedicated to N. S. del Pilar; he traveled 7 leagues 
to the east up to the margin of the Red or Palisade River, where he 
observed that the French had not yet crossed this part of the said 
river. (So say our Chronicles and the Voyages of the Marquis.) 
According to ancient tradition repeated by the old people of the 
cotmtry, the Marquis de Aguayo left soldiers on the right bank of the 
river to protect it. These fortified themselves on a hill called Spanish 
Port, where Mass was said for both the French and Spaniards by the 
Spanish missionaries. In the meantime the Marquis returned to 
Coahuila. (See our Chronicles.) 

In 1722 the French made New Orleans a town and established 
therein. the Capital of Louisiana. The following year the Governor 
removed his quarters there. Immediately they destroyed Fort 
Yazou. About this time, and at the request of the Texas Missionaries, 
an investigation was begim about the lack of protection afforded the 
missions in the preceding years. The Missionaries were absolved 
from blame and the record is preserved in the College of the Holy 
Cross of Queratero. 

In 1724 Sandoval, the Spanish Governor of Adaix, and the 
French Commandant of Nachitoches, both acting without authority 
of the governments, fixed as boundaries the Arroyo Hondo or de la 
Montana, 3 leagues west of the before mentioned Red or de los 
Cadaudochos River at the 32nd degree, and for this reason the French 
crossed to the western bank of the river, erected a small fort which 
up to the beginning of last century still preserved its name, as I will 
relate in my last notes. 

In the year 1727 the Brigadier don Pedro Rivero visited the 
Province of Texas, removed the fort situated in the center of its 
missions, reduced the force stationed in the fort on the frontier 

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36 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

called Adaix, by forty men, and moved the fortress from the Bay 
of the Holy Spirit with its mission to the Guadalupe River or River 
of Flowers. 

In 1730 the French settled on the shores of the Palisade or 
Cadaudachos or Red River, on its eastern shores at the 33rd degree. 
They established there a miserable trading fort with only six soldiers 
and two small swivel gims six inches long to frighten the Indians, 
one of which I saw myself a few years back in Nacogdoches. 

In the same year, 1730, the Missions of La Conception, San Jose 
and San Francisco were removed to the San Antonio River near the 
fortress that already existed there, little more than 150 leagues to the 
west of their former situation and at the 30th degree. 

In the same year, 1730, the town of San Fernando was foimded 
near the fortress of Bejar, for which purpose 15 families were brought 
from the Canary Islands at a cost of 720 pesos for their transporta- 
tion. Besides these, a great many people were brought there by force 
from the various prisons of these Provinces. 

In 1748 The Saint Xavier Missions were founded on the river 
of the same name, which flows from the westward into the Santa 
Teresa or Borzoso River at the 31st degree and a few minutes. The 
missions of San Idelfonso and Candelaria were also foimded there- 
abouts. By superior orders a few soldiers were left in Saint Xavier; 
the missions were attacked by the Indians and abandoned. (Father 

In 1749 the garrison and Mission near the bay of the Holy Spirit 
were removed to the San Antonio de Bejar or Deep River, 40 leagues 
southeast of Bejar and 18 leagues from where the river flows into the 
lagoons that empty into the Mexican Gulf. The Mission was after- 
wards known as the Mission of the Holy Spirit. 

In 1754 the Rosario Mission was foimded, near to, but west of, 
the fortifications of the bay of the Holy Spirit. 

In 1756 the Fort Orcoquiza, or de Lampe. was erected and the 
mission of N. S. de la Luz foimded on the Trinidad, or River of Flow- 
ers, or Magdalena River, near its mouth at the 29th degree and 30 
minutes latitude. 

In 1757 Col. Diego Ortiz de Parilla foimded the fortress and 
mission of San Sab?i and San Lorenzo at the 33rd degree, on the 
eastern shores of the Red River that is situated in the center of Texas, 
which is called Espiritu Santo, or Canas, or San Bernardo. (Father 

In 1762, on the 3rd of November, France sells the Province of 
Louisiana to Spain, after having concluded peace. The Versailles 

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Report of the Texas Boundary 37 

Cabinet advises the Powers of the said transfer April 21, 1764, and in 
1765 the orders of the French Monarch reach New Orleans. 

In 1764 Father Calaorra of this College of Guadalupe, enters 
the Red or de los Cadaudachos or Palisade River, at the 33rd degree, 
30 minutes of latitude, to the north of Nacogdoches, invited thereto 
by the Tahuacanas and Tahuayaces Nations of Indians; he visited 
many ranchos and was requested to foimd a mission. 

In 1767, the then Inspector of the Province of Texas, Marquis 
de Rubi, ordered that the mission and fortress of San Saba be aban- 
doned. (Father Arrecivita.) 

In 1768, Sr. Ulloa takes possession of the Province of Louisiana 
in the name of the Spanish Government; on July 25, 1769, Sr. Orreli 
is appointed Governor. Please note that up to this time the French 
had scrupulously respected the boimdaries mentioned by me in the 

In a royal transcript dated December 10, 1770, the King of 
Spain abolishes the mission and fortresses of Aises and Orroquiza, 
for as Louisiana now belonged to Spain there was no further necessi- 
ty of guarding these places; a short while after all the soldiers, set- 
tlers and Indians living there removed to the Capital of Bejar. 

In 1775 some of the inhabitants of Adaix obtained permission 
to settle on the Trinidad, or River of Flowers, or Magdalena River, 
which they did. Subsequently, their settlement was flooded and they 
passed on to the old settlement of Nacogdoches at the 31st and a 
half degrees, and 40 leagues east, where they remained up to the last 
few years. 

In 1791 the Refugio mission was founded 10 leagues south of the 
Bay of the Holy Spirit. 

In 1799 an American called Nolan, who had come there to gather 
horses, was expelled from the shores of the Trinidad or River of 
Flowers or Magdalena River, at the 33rd degree, by Captain Don 
Miguel Musquiz, because he was in Spanish territory without a 

In 1799 the Spaniards still maintained the old outposts to pre- 
vent smuggling through Louisiana. The soldiers were stationed on 
the Aloyas River, 10 leagues east of Nacogdoches, on the Sabines 
or Mexican River, in a line with, but at a distance of 16 leagues from 
those just mentioned places, and yet another detachment was sta- 
tioned at Vallapier or Valluco de los Piedras, about 20 leagues north- 
west, on the Red, or de los Cadaudachos or Palisade River. 

On the 30th of April, 1800, the French and Spanish Cabinets 
open negotiations for receding Louisiana to France. 

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38 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

On April 30, 1802, France sold Louisiana to the Anglo-American 
United States. 

On the 20th of December, 1803, France delivered New Orleans 
to the United States, and from time to time all the other points up 
the Mississippi. 

In 1803 the Governor of Texas placed a detachment of soldiers 
in Alarcosito, on the Trinidad, or River of Flowers, or Magdalena 
River, where formerly existed the Spanish fortress of Arroquiza. 

In 1804, in the month of April, Nachitoches was delivered over 
to the United States, and the Anglo-Americans built a wooden fort 
there, which exists to this day. 

In January, 1805, the Marquis of Casa Calvo visited Nacog- 
doches with his engineers to examine the boundaries. He proceeded 
as far as the Calcuchue River, which flows into the Gulf of Mexico 
to the east of the Sabine River. 

In the month of April, 1805, the Bishop of Monterrey, while 
traveling through his diocese, visited Nacogdoches and west up as 
far as the frontier of the United States, and then returned home. 

In January 1805 Sr. Cordero, Commandant General of Texas, 
established the town of Salcedo, on the eastern shore of the Trinidad, 
or River of Flowers, or Magdalena River, facing the place where in 
1775 the former inhabitants of Adaix or Adaises, had settled at the 
31st degree and a few minutes. 

In the same year, 1805, a detachment of soldiers sent by Sr. 
Salcedo to occupy the place where the former inhabitants of Adaix 
or Adaises had settled, were expelled by American troops. 

In 1806, the 29th of July, the Adjutant Inspector Don Francisco 
Viana expelled a troop of Americans who were entering to explore 
the lands along the Red or Palisade or de los Cadaudchos River, at 
the 33rd degree and 30 minutes of latitude. 

In 1806 the Spanish and American forces established their 
camp on either shores of the Sabines or Mexican River, the Spaniards 
imder command of Sres. Cordero and Herrera, and the Americans 
imder command of General Wilkinson. In order to avoid hostilities 
these chiefs agreed that the Americans were not to cross Arroyo 
Hondo, whilst the Spaniards would refrain from crossing the Sabines 
River imtil their respective governments should come to an agree- 

In March 1813, Sr. Gutierrez took command of the Spanish 
and Anglo-American troops at the fortress situated in the Bay of the 
Holy Spirit, to fight for the cause of independence against the Royal- 
ists Commanders Brigadier Herrera and Col. Salcedo. These re- 
treated to Bejar, and surrendered there on the 2nd of April. 

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Report of the Texas Boundary 39 

On the 18th of August, 1813, General Gutierrez was routed by 
the Royalists General Arredondo a few leagues away from Bejar. 
General Elisondo pursued the fugitives up to Salcedo, a town founded 
a few years before on the Trinidad, or River of Flowers, oi Magda- 
lena River, and the news traveled to Nacogdoches, 40 leagues to the 
eastward, and all the inhabitants fled to the United States for protection 
stopping at the former settlement of Adaix or Adaises, 7 leagues this 
side of Nachitoches, where they have remained to this day. 

NOTE: From all the foregoing may be deducted our just and 
unalterable possession of all the Province of Texas in accordance 
with the boundaries mentioned by me at the beginning of this paper. 

No accoimt must be taken of the inexact assertions of the French 
contained in their books, and much less of the statements contained 
in a pamphlet printed in Havana at the beginning of this century, 
which at the time created a great sensation, and which entitled: 
"La Aurora, Limits and Extension of Louisiana, extracted from a 
manuscript referring to the said Province, written by a military 
gentlemen who was stationed on the Mississippi since the spring of 
1803," for I repeat that the said pamphlet is full of lies from beginning 
to end. 

That are in the office of the Mhiister. of Justice and Eccle- 
siastical Affairs in Mexico, and others that 
are cited heiein« 

In the records entitled ''Inspection of Fortresses,'' book 11, page 
16, appear the instructions given to the Marquis de Rubi by the 
Viceroy Marquis de Crullas, under date of the 10th of March, 1766, 
which among other things say: Inasmuch as the fortresses of Adaix, 
in the Province of Texas, and that of Nachitoches are at a short 
distance one from the other, please report if, in your opinion, one of 
these could be advantageously removed to another place, in the 
event that the territory of Louisiana should pass imder the dominion 
of his Catholic Majesty." To which I add that the government, 
fortresses and missions were removed to San Antonio de Bejar. 

Again in the same book, page 22, we find the said Viceroy's 
instructions, dated September 18, 1766, to the Marquis de Rubi, 
with regard to the Tahuayos Nation. 

Page 1 of said book contains the Viceroy's order to the Govern- 
or of the Province and Captain of his company; on page 4 are the 

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40 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Marquis de Rubi's order to the same Governor giving him charge 
as captain of Adaix, and pages 4 and 8 it is recorded that Governor 
Martos went through the regular formalities with his predecessor, 
Don Benito Barrios. 

Other records on page 9, written by the Marquis de Rubi, show 
that the Viceroy, having recalled Governor Martos, Hugo O'Connor 
was appointed captain of the company and Governor of Texas. 

Baron de Riperda says in his correspondence dated in Bejar 
the 28th of April, 1772, as appears in record 41 of the viceregal index, 
page 2: "If such is found necessary, I shall advance the lines of 
fortresses from the Mississippi up to New Mexico," etc. 

On page 27 he says: "Don Luis de Sandenis is now within the 
confines of the Province of Texas, District of Nachitoches in Louis- 

The same record, page 83, proves the Adaix to have belonged to 
Texas or Spain, for the Viceroy says that although since the creation 
of the fortress of Adaix his Majesty has maintained four missions 
there, no Indians had been converted. This, however, is not true, 
as may be seen from the records of the missions. 

On pages 107 and 108, Article 1st of the Regulations, may be 
seen the transcript of his Majesty imder date of the 10th of Decem- 
ber, 1772, in which he speaks of abolishing the Missions and in Article 
5th of abolishing the fortress of Adaix. 

In the Judicial Proceedings instituted by the settlers of Adaix, 
book 42 of the Viceregal- index, page 17, appears the certification of 
Father Pedro Fuentes, saying that he has received two books of 
records of the said missions, begim in 1716 the one, and in 1717 the 
other, which show that the Missions of Nacogdoches and de los Aix 
were part of the Province of Texas, or New Philippines. 

The proceedings of the settlers of Adaix, soliciting that they be 
allowed to remove to the Mission of Aix; record No. 1 in book 42 of 
the viceregal index, relating to the foxmdation of the town of Bu- 
careli; Nos. 5 and 6 of the same book referring to the abandonment 
of the said town of Bucareli . , are convincing proof that the boundaries 
of Texas extended to the limits I have mentioned before. 

In the copy of the Order of the Marquis de Rubi, appearing on 
page 42 of book 1, in which orders are given to evacuate Orraquiza 
after the evacuation of San Saba has been effected. 

In book 1 appears a conunimication from Sr. Croix, dated 
November 19, 1781, and another on the last page, dated August 22, 
1782, which says: '*In the announced meeting the points your Ex- 
cellency covers in his report will be resolved." 

On the last page of book 2 there is a Royal Order, dated February 

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Report of the Texas Boundary 41 

20, 1783, in which the King authorizes the establishment of a town 
on the San Marcos River after peace is declared. 

In book 7, pages 1 and 2, it is recorded that Don Luis Carlos de 
Branc, Commandant at Nachitoches, informed the Governor of 
Louisiana, Don E^teban Miro, that inasmuch as the Province of 
Louisiana belonged to the King of Spain, the people of the region 
should be permitted to extend their settlements up to the Sabines 
or Mexican River, as the country they now occupied is rather small 
for their requirements. This statement, however, is imtrue, as to the 
north and south and east they disposed of vast territories still un- 
settled; for this reason, and also to preserve as far as possible the 
frontiers, the Governors of Texas never permitted the French of 
Louisiana to extend themselves beyond their own frontiers. Gov- 
ernor Miro, however, approved of this request, as may be seen on 

On page 6 there appears a royal decree ordering a report from the 
Viceroy of Mexico and which ends thus: "Nothing was done with 
regard to extending the limits of Louisiana." 

On pa^ 7 it is recorded that the then Commandant General 
of all the interior Provinces, the Chevalier de la Croix, reconcen- 
trated all the establishments of Texas to the fortress of Bejar, but 
that dtiring the incumbency of Governor Don Domingo Cabello the 
old order was re-established. 

In the Royal Decrees dated the 3rd and 29th of November, 
1785, the conclusion of this matter is foreseen, (page 9), and on page 
31 is the Royal Decree dated September 21, 1793, ordering the Vice- 
roy to take no further action with regard to the matter for the time 

Record 370, section 22, contains the report of Don Esteban 
Miro, Governor of Louisiana, to Sr. Rangel, Governor of Texas, in 
which he says: "I regret not being able to inform you with regard to 
the boundaries of this Province with that of Texas, for the French 
have only left in his office a plan of the Mississippi and of the estab- 
lishments erected by them." 

Book 1, page 170, contains the report of Sr. Cabello and a copy 
of the record concerning reciprocal trading between Louisiana and 
Texas, extension of the Province, etc., with a letter from Sr. Miro 
to Sr. Rangel. 

The fortress of Nachitoches was constructed in the time that 
Don. Manuel Sandoval was Governor of Texas. This event having 
come to the knowledge of the King, in a Royal decree dated July 
15, 1740, he orders the Governor of Texas, Don Justo Barco, to 
report back on the subject. 

Digitized by 


42 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

The Crown's attorney, Don Pedro de Ullon, under date of the 
28th of September, 1741, requests the then Governor of Texas, to 
report upon the boundaries of his Province, and also that in Mexico 
testimony should be taken from six competent witnesses, who all 
declared that they had always recognized Nachitoches, on the 
western bank of the de los Cadaudachos River, two leagues and a 
half from Arroyo Hondo, as the limits of both Crowns. They added, 
however, that they did not know that Governor Sandoval had on 
his own initiative given a track of land to the French, which caused 
them to cross the Red or de los Cadaudachos, or Palisade River, for 
which reason Sandoval was brought imder arrest to Mexico. 

A decree of the Viceroy Aoma, Marquis of Casafuerte, Gov- 
ernor of Texas, dated July 1, 1730, ordering that two or three soldiers 
should accompany the Texas Missionaries in their expedition to the 
friendly Indians. The original exists in the archives of Bejar. 

In the Coxmcil of War and Finance, celebrated in Mexico, the 
21st and 22nd of January, 1754, presided by the Viceroy Sr. Orcasitos, 
proofs were offered to show that the French of Nachitoches had 
passed the French frontier into the Spanish lands of Texas. Sandoval 
having been arrested, the Crown's Attorney asked the new Governor of 
the Province to report on this subject, and if the matter as reported 
was foxmd to be true, that he make the necessary political demands 
on the Governor of Louisiana. All these instructions were followed 
out, but affairs remained as they were, and after hearing the declara- 
tions of more than twelve witnesses, there still remained a doubt as 
to whether the boimdary was on the Arroyo Hondo or on the Red 

A royal transcript directed to Don Justo Barco y Morales, 
Governor of Texas, orders him to report if the former Governor of 
Texas, Don Manuel Sandoval had permitted the French of Nachi- 
toches to construct a fortress on Spanish soil, etc. The documents 
are preserved in the archives of Bejar. Later I was told by several 
old Frenchmen residing in the region that such had been the case. 

The copy of the record marked P. Y. No. 15, page 19, No. 170 of 
1778, refers to the commerce carried on between Louisiana and 
Texas, and the extension of the limits of the first mentioned Province 
up to the Sabines River. In the latter part of the first volimie ap- 
pears the report of the Governor of Texas, Sr. Cabello, which says: 
that in 1730 (see the subsequent note) the Viceroy Marquis de 
Toraldo orders that the Governor of the New Kingdam of Leon, 
Sr. Hernando de Leon, should explore the northern sea coast. That 
these orders were carried out and he explored and marked all the 
coast as pertaining to Mexican territory in its eastern part; he also 

Digitized by 


Report of the Texas Boundary 43 

explored new territory for more than 276 leagues from south to north 
from the Medina River up to the Red or Palisade River, on the 
banks of which last the French afterwards founded Nachitoches, 
and that he also traveled the same region from west to east. 

NOTE: It is clearly an error to say that Hernando de Leon 
was designated in 1730 to explore the northern coast; instead it should 
be 1630, because the third paragraph says that as the Court of 
Spain did not dictate orders relative to the matter, the Count of 
Galvez commissioned Domingo Terran, in the year 1688, to visit the 
Province of Texas, and it is clear that no report concerning Hernando 
de Leon could have reached the Court before the Coxmt of Galvez 
sent Domingo Terran to Texas in 1688. It is clear also, that it was in 
1630, because the Marquis of Cerralvo was then Viceroy, not Tor- 
raldo, for there never was a Viceroy of that name. Further Governor 
Cabello says in his report: "That Hernando de Leon, having re- 
turned to Monterrey, sent his diary to the Viceroy, the Marquis of 
Cerraldo, and that his Excellency reported to the Court." 

There is also an official communication in the archives of your 
ofl&ce from the Cavalier de la Croix, dated September 23, 1778, contain- 
ing a list of all the towns, missions and Indians in the Province of 
Texas. He even adds thereto a few of the frontier nations who really 
lived in Louisiana, all of which, it seems to me, I have read in the 
history written by Father Talamantes in Mexico, and which by ac- 
cident I foimd in a private house. 

I beg of your Excellency to excuse any defects you may find 
in this paper, for it is a long time, more than 20 years, that I studied 
this question. I have forgotten a great deal, lost a great many 
papers, and what I have left are a few very small notes. 

May God keep your Excellency a great many years. 

College of N. S. de Guadalupe the 30th of November, 1827. 
Excmo. Sr. 

Digitized by 




Translated from a pamphlet belonging to 


New Orleans, La. 

"C No. 1 


of the Operations of the Expedition Against the Place of 

Pensacola, Concluded by the Arms of H. Catholic M., 

Under the Orders of the Field Marshall Don 

Bernardo de Galvez. 

The expedition which sailed from Havana the 16th of October, 
1780, against Pensacola, having been frustrated by the hurricane, 
its Commander Dn. Bernardo de Galvez, returned to the sailing 
port, November 17th, with the sorrow of ignoring the whereabouts 
of the ships of his escort, some of which dispersed by the storm, went 
to Campeche, others to the Mississippi River, a few to other places, 
and it is believed that one perished, for nothing is known of its fate. 
After his arrival in Havana the referred to General reiterated his form- 
er pretentions that the fort of Mobile be succored with provisions 
and men, not only because it found itself very short of these, but also 
because it threatened to be attacked. In view of his insistence, the 
Coxmcil o^ Generals ordered that two ships be prepared capable of 
transporting 500 men and some provisions, and this small convoy 
made sail the 6th of December imder command of the Capitan of 
frigate Dn. Joseph de Rada; notwithstanding that after a few days 
navigation, he arrived safely at the mouth of the Mobile, he deter- 
mined not to enter its bay on account having found (so he assured) 
some variation in the chaimel, and he made sail directly for the 
Baliza of the Mississippi River at the entrance of which he left the 
convoy and returned to Havana. 

This circumstance, that two English frigates had penetrated 
the very Bay of Mobile five days after, and the news that the detach- 

Digitized by 



De las opfMciones de la expedicion contra la Plaza de 
Parizacota co'ncHiida por las Armas dc, S. M. Catolica^ 
baxo las irdenis deiMariical de Campg D. Bernarda 
de Galvei. 

I^Rustrada por cl urac^n.Ia Exjpedtcion que t2\i6 de la Havana 
contra Pan2ac6la ;eh 16 de OdubrQ de 1780, rcgres6, su Cpmap- 
dantc Don Beirndrdo de Galvez al Puerto de la salid^^el 17. de 
Novicnibre con el ^olor de igrtorar el paradero dc las embarca- 
( Clones de su comhay, de las qudes dispersadas por el temporal, 
.Unas fueron a parajr/i Campeche , rio Misisip/ , algunas 
^i otras partes J y^fc cree baber. perccido una median^c no sabersc 
$u suerte. Luego: que \k^6 i la Havana crreferido General- rei- 
tero sus antiguas |>recen$iones de que se socdrriese el Fuerte de'la 
Mobila con v{veres y tropas, asi .po.r hallarse escasisimo de aquc- 
llos, como por estar ameaazado dc lin ataque. En -fuerza de s^.is 
iostancias mandd la Junta deCenerales sc habilitasen los buqucs 
correspondiciHes a\ transports tje 500 hombres, y alguna canti- 
dad de comestibles^^ jr cste peqtieno.cfomboy se hizo a la vela en 
6 de Diciembre al mando del Capitan de fragata Du Joseph de llada; 
.pero sin embai^o que ^. ppcos dias de navegacion arrib6 fellz- 
mcnte i:h. boca; de la* Mobila y no se determin6 i e*ntrar en su 
bahfa por haber eqcontr^do ( stgun asegur6 ) alguna variacion 
cp ^1 canal., y se hizo i la vela en derechura i laBalija del 
rio Misisipfyi cuya entrada dex6 el coniboy y se restituyo i la 

Esta.clrcatisrancia , la de haber entrado dos fragatas Inglesas 
en la . misma bih(a de la Mobila cinco dias despues » y la no* 
ticia de haber sido atacado ^1 destacatnento del Village ,- movie- 
jon SD. Bernardo dc Galve? i instar , para que ya que cl cs.- 
tado de ias cosasno pcrmitiese renovar la expedicion desde la 
Havana , jse le diesc alguna cropa con que reforzar lai guarniT. 
ciones de la Luisiana y Mobila, y desde alli , si h^illase una ppor« 
tuoidad fcliz,' empenar.para ua nuevo csfuerzo a lo^ habitancei 

A 4c 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 47 

ment of the village had been attacked, moved Dn. Bernardo de Gal- 
vez to urge, that although the state of things did not permit a re- 
newal of the expedition from Havana, some troops be given him with 
which to reinforce the garrisons of Louisiana and Mobile and from 
there, if a favorable opportxmity were found, pledge the inhabitants 
of those regions to a further effort and fall on Pensacola, or if this 
could not be, preserve more securely what had been conquered. 
The idea having been approved by the Coimcil of Generals, it was 
resolved to select 1315 men from the various regiments, including 
five companies of grenadiers and to provide for the equipment of 
vessels as transports, and designating as a guard for these, the ship 
of war San Ramon, commanded by Dn. Joseph Calvo, the frigate 
Sta. Clara, Capitan D. Miguel Alderete, the Sta. Cecilia, Capitan 
D. Miguel de Goicochea, the tender Caiman, Capitan D. Joseph 
Serrato, and the packet S. Gil, Capitan D. Joseph Maria Chacon, 
all under the orders of the referred to General D. Bernardo de Galvez, 
on his petition and by consent of the Coimcil, as will be seen by the 
following commxmication sent by the General of Marine to the 
Commander of Ship, D. Joseph Calvo. 

'To the question contained in your paper of yesterday, that I 
manifest to you the terms imder which you must go subordinated to 
and obey the orders of the Field Marshall of the Royal Armies, D. 
Bernardo de Galvez, I beg to advise that your honor shall put in 
practice with all your well-known and notorious diligence those that 
the expressed Don Bernardo shall give your Honor relative to the 
conquest of Pensacola, without separating yourself in other things 
from what the Royal Ordinances of the Armada provide, endeavor- 
ing that the strictest discipline be observed in all the ships imder 
your orders, as provided therein. May our Lord keep you many 
years. Havana, 6th of February, 1781. Juan Bantista Bonet. Sr. 
Dn. Joseph Calbo." 

When all was ready on the part of the Army and the Navy, the 
General embarked February 13th in spite of finding himself some- 
what failing in health; the troops did the same on the 14th and on 
the 28th in the morning the convoy sailed, so happily, that, by three 
in the afternoon, the ships were all a great distance from the Port of 
Havana. The General had previously sent Capitan D. Emiliano 
Maxent in a schooner to New Orleans with orders to the Command- 
ant of Arms, so that the troops that D. Joseph Rada had left and 
those that had arrived on account of the October storm should set 
out and meet the convoy, and to that end had already advised under 
date of February 1st, that they find themselves ready to sail at the 
first signal. 

Digitized by 


48 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

On the first of March the General commissioned the sub-lieu- 
teanant of the Regiment Spain, D. Miguel de Herrera, to go by 
schooner to Mobile with letters for D. Joseph Espeleta, in which he 
informs him of his intention of proceeding to the East of Santa 
Rosa Island, fronting the Port of Pensacola, advising him to march 
by land to form a imion with the troops of his command. 

On the 4th at 9 in the morning, all the commanders of the war 
vessels came aboard the commanding ship, and the General informed 
them of his project of proceeding to the Island of Santa Rosa, disem- 
barking thereon and attacking the battery the enemy had on Siguenza 
Point, so as to facilitate the entry of our ships in the Port, without 
the risk of passing through a cross fire, and there await the rein- 
forcements from Louisiana and Mobile. All the officers of the Fleet 
applauded this thought and some amongst them earnestly solicited 
the honor of entering first. At 10 o'clock eleven vessels were sighted 
to windward, which were chased imtil nightfall, and by their direc- 
tion they seemed to be making Tortugas Sound, and were thought 
to be a convoy of provisions that was expected from Vera Cruz. 

On the 5th at 6 o'clock in the evening, the brig Galveztown 
which had left Havana on the 2nd incorporated itself to the squadron. 

On the 9th at 6 in the morning land was sighted and a little 
while after it was recognized to be the Island of Santa Rosa; at eight 
o'clock a few cannon shots were heard, from which was inferred the 
proximity of the Port of Pensacola. 

At 2 in the afternoon the General called to quarters and dis- 
posed that all the troops find themselves ready to disembark that 
night and that each soldier should carry three days ration; it being 
well imderstood that the grenadiers and light infantry should be the 
first to disembark, and that they should pass by the stem of the ship 
S. Ramon, when two lights should appear thereon. At the hour of 
Prayer the convoy came to anchor at a distance of one cannon shot 
from shore and three leagues to windward from the mouth of the 

At eight o'clock at night the signal was placed on the commanding 
ship so that the boats with troops should gather there, and the 
General having placed himself at their head, the landing was effected 
with some misgivings, but without the least opposition. He gave 
his orders to Colonel D. Francisco Longoria to take up the march 
with the grenadiers and light infantry and returned to the ship to 
hasten the final disembarking, so that by 3 o'clock in the morning 
of the 10th all the troops were marching in colimm formations by the 
sea on the shore of the referred to Island. 

The first landing party arrived at Siguenza Point at half past 

Digitized by 


Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 49 

past five in the monring, where they did not find the Fort they 
thought was there, but only three dismoiinted cannons and a partly 
demolished breastwork of fascines that the enemy not knowing how 
to utilize, had abandoned. A while later two boats with seven men 
were seen to come landwards near that part, and the light infantry 
made these prisoners. The Fort that is on Barrancas-Coloradas, 
opposite Siguenza and about 500 fathoms away and the two English 
frigates anchored nearby, observed this, and began a lively fire on 
our troops, without occasioning the slightest mishap, because the 
land furnished several small hills that served as shelters, and, besides, 
some earth was thrown up, for better protection. 

The prisoners declared to the General that the place was well 
provided with provisions and troops and that from day to day a 
considerable re-inforcement was expected from Jaimaca. 

On the 10th at 11 o'clock in the morning the convoy changed 
anchorage nearer the port; that afternoon the General reconnoi- 
tered several times that part of the Island facing the town for the 
purpose of selecting a place suitable for the formation of a battery 
that would damage and keep away the enemy frigates that can- 
nonaded our Camp, and protect the entry of the convoy and squad- 
ron, to which effect he ordered the landing of two cannons of 24, two 
of 8, four of 4, and the corresponding ammimition and 150 campaign 
tents for the troops. 

On the 11th before the break of day the Commander of the 
squadron ordered parties to soxmd the bar of the harbor, and a bat- 
tery of two cannons of 24, in barbettes was mounted in front of the 
Barrancas, and at three thirty began to play on one of the English 
frigates that had set sail. 

At that hour the squadron and convoy weighed anchor for the 
purpose of entering the Port, and this having been seen by the 
General he immediately embarked on the ship S. Ramon in order to 
be in this operation and pass through the risk, but the petitions of its 
Captain D. Joseph Calbo that he return to land were such that he 
had to accede. A while after, all the convoy had gotten imder way 
it was noticed that the ship S. Ramon had come about and returned 
to its former anchorage with all the other vessels that followed it, 
due tp the fact that on crossing the bar it touched bottom, so the 
General was informed by the senior officer of the squadron. 

All of the night was employed by the Commander of the ship 
D. Joseph Calbo in lightening it, imtil it was left in condition to veri- 
fy its entry, although then, the weather was not favorable to do this. 

On the 12th the weather continued contrary, and the General 
fearing that possibly if it became worse, the ships would not be able 

Digitized by 


50 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

to maintain themselves in the open roadstead, and that if they were 
compelled to put to sea the Camp would remain without provisions, 
ordered that as much as possible be brought, in order to provide 
against this contingency, and this order was executed with the great- 
est celerity. 

At eight o'clock in the morning the General repaired to the ex- 
tremity of Point Siguenza to inspect some work being done there and at 
two o'clock in the afternoon went on board of the S. Ramon to dis- 
cuss the advisability of sending the frigates into the port at the head 
of the convoy, and the ship should do so after, for if it again went 
ashore, the other vessels would not be detained as on the preceeding 
afternoon; but the naval officers having objected and pointed out 
certain difficulties he returned to land, and wrote to the Conunander 
of the S. Ramon stating how necessary it was to gain the channel at 
once in order to avoid the risk of a storm, of the frequent ones on that 
coast, which would force the convoy to separate itself and leave the 
army abandoned; for which motive he advised him that he could 
already coimt upon the aid of 6 cannons of 24, which had already 
been emplaced on the point of the Island opposite that of the enemy. 

Upon the advice received that same afternoon, that a few enemy 
boats had crossed the canal that forms the Island of Santa Rosa 
and separates it from the mainland, a force of grenadiers and light 
infantry advanced towards the place to reconnoiter and cut off the 
enemies' retreat if any disembarked. . 

On the 13th the landing of provisions and supplies continued, 
the General always fearing that the delays in forcing the port would 
oblige the convoy to set sail on accoimt of the frequent and dreaded 
southwesters. However, on the same day he received a letter from 
the Commander of the sea forces in which he described the great 
difficulties he found, even after having consulted with the officers 
of his squadron, in risking the vessels xmder his command, for he 
lacked the indispensable information regarding the depth of water 
and direction of the channel; he had no pilots, and imderstood the 
enemy fires could rake his ships fore and aft, without the possibility 
of these being able to answer theirs to advantage. 

At three in the afternoon he ordered his Aide de Camp, D. 
Esteban Miro to proceed to Mobile with verbal instructions for 
Colonel D. Joseph Ezpeleta, in order to combine a reciprocal imion 
of troops with advantge on the enemy. 

On the 14th the landing of provisions continued, although with 
great difficulty on account of the surf and the General conunissioned 
the Captain of the brig Galveztown, to sound the interior of the 
harbor during the night so as to know exactly the depth of the water. 

Digitized by 


Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 51 

On the 15th the sea made it extremely difficult for the boats to 
approach land, and with immense labor it was possible to disembark 
some vegetables and salt meat which they brought. 

At 2 o'clock in the afternoon an English storeship was discovered 
under sail in the interior of the Port, which situated itself between the 
two frigates and out of the range of our cannon. At the same hour 
a battery of two cannons of 8 was placed near the one that had been 
formed by two others of 24. 

On the 16th at 8 o'clock in the morning there arrived from Mo- 
bile the sloop commanded by the Lieutenant of frigate D. Juan Riano 
with letters from Colonel Ezpeleta, in which he advised the General 
that he was going to march with 900 men up to the shores of the 
River "de los Perdidos*^ distant five leagues from Pensacola, and to 
pass to the other shore he required that a few laxmches be sent to' 
him. This officer, as soon as he arrived on the Coast, presented him- 
self to the Commander of the Squadron, who upon learning his 
mission sent the following communication to the General: 

"Dear Sir: The moment D. Juan Riano informed me that the 
army from Mobile found itself on the shores of the "los Perdidos" 
River, I ordered that the armed laimches be provided with ten days 
food, and in order that they shall lack for nothing, I have provided 
to supply a few more from this ship." 

" I will also order the Pio that draws less water, that it go and 
cover this small expedition as close to land as possible, to free it from 
any vessel that attempts to oppose it, as also to provide Sr. Ezpeleta 
a few cannons and provisions if he should need them. 

"I am of the opinion, if your honor desires to make use of it, 
that the expedition start early, just after nightfall, so as not to draw 
the attention of the enemies, for they may come out and make some 
inconvenient opposition, but this matter you will do what appears 
best to you." | 

"I have elected to direct the launches, my second in command, 
the Captain of Frigate, D. Andres Valderrma, and the first Lieuten- 
ant of ship, D. Antonio Estrada, who carry pilots, a compass and a 
pilot's mate. God keep your honor many years. On board the 
ship S. Ramon, at anchor near the coast of the Island of Santa Rosa, 
16th of March, 1781. Your most faithful servant kisses the hand of 
your honor. — ^Joseph Calbo de Irazabal. — Sr. Bernardo Galvez." 

The General's Reply. 

"Dear Sir: All that you tell me in your commimication of today 
regarding your dispositions to help the troops fromJ^Mobile appear to 
me well, and I remain praying God to keep you many years. Camp 

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52 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

of Santa Rosa, March 16th, 1781.— Bernardo de Galvez.— Sr. D. 
Joseph Calvo." 

On the 17th at 11 in the morning the sloop of the mentioned 
Don Juan Riano situated itself at the entrance of the Harbor of 
Pensacola, accompanied by the brig Galveztown and the two small 
gunboats, at four o'clock in the afternoon, sub-lieutenant D. Miguel 
Herrera arrived with letters from Colonel Ezpeleta to the General 
advising him that he was marching with his troops to xmite himself 
with him. 

The General having recognized that there was too much delay 
in deciding upon the entry of the squadron and convoy, and fearing 
that a strong wind might compel it to make sail so as not to wreck 
itself upon the shore, thus leaving the troops abandoned on the Island 
without means of subsistance, determined to be the first one to 
force the harbor, in the conviction that this last resort would stimu- 
late the others to follow him; and in effect, on the afternoon of the 
18th at half past two he embarked in an open boat to go on board 
of the brig Galveztown that was anchored at the mouth of the har- 
bor of Pensacola, and after having hoisted a broad penant, this ship 
made the corresponding salute and set sail followed by two armed 
launches and by the sloop commanded by Dn. Juan Riano, these 
being the only vessels imder his private orders. The Barrancas 
Fort fired as much as possible, particularly on the Galveztown, for 
they could not ignore that the General was in it on account of the 
ensign it flew; but, in spite of its efforts, the vessel entered the harbor 
without the least harm notwithstanding the great number of bullets 
that pierced sails and shrouds, and with the extraordianry applause 
of the army, who with continuous cheers demonstrated to the General 
its delight and loyalty to him. 

Upon seeing this the squadron determined to make its entry 
on the following day with the exception of the ship, S. Ramon, that 
had been ballasted. 

On the 19th at 2 in the afternoon the convoy set sail, preceeded 
by the King's frigate, and it took an hour from the time the first 
ships began to suffer from the extraordinary fire of Red-Cliff Fort on 
the Barancas, until the last one foimd itself free from it, and, not* 
withstanding the damage done to the ships, there were no personal 
losses. Diuing this time the General went in his gig among the ships 
in order to furnish them any help they might need. 

At 5 o'clock the General determined to pass in a yawl to the river 
"de los Perdidos" in order to acquaint Ezpeleta personally of his 
intentions. For this purpose he embarked with his aides and went 
out of the harbor stating that the same probability existed for going 

Digitized by 


Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 53 

as for coming in; but the contrary winds and the equally contrary 
currents obliged him to return to the Camp at 11 o'clock at night. 

On the 20th in the morning he conunissioned an officer to go to 
Pensacola with a letter for General Campbell, couched in these 

**Most Excellent, my dear sir: The English in Havana inti- 
mated with threats that none of the ships or buildings of the King 
and private parties be destroyed, burned or torn down under pain of 
being treated with the utmost rigor. The same warning I give to your 
Excellency and others whom it may concern with the same conditions. 
God keep your Excellency many years. Camp of the Island of Sta. 
Rosa, March 20, 1781. Most Excellent Sir. Your most attentive 
servant kisses your Excellency's hands. — Bernardo de Galvez. — 
Most Excellent Sir, — Juan Campbell." 

In the afternoon the General went in a boat to examine the beach 
opposite the harbor in order to select a suitable landing place for the 
troops that had to operate. 

At eight o'clock at night the enemies set fire to a Guard-house 
situated on the beach where the General had made his examination 
during the afternoon; upon seeing this he ordered that the sloop 
commanded by Don Juan Riano and the armed laimch from the 
Galveztown should approach land and fire with grape shot upon the 
enemies who might be there. 

Very early on the 21st an officer, commissioned therefor, arrived 
from Pensacola and delivered to the General a letter from Campbell 
couched in the following terms: 

"Most Excellent sir: My dear sir: The threats of the enemy 
who assail us are not considered imder any other aspect than as an arti- 
fice or stratagem of war, which he makes use of to further his own 
purpose. I trust that in my defense of Pensacola (seeing that I am 
attacked) I will do nothing contrary to rules and customs of war; 
few: I consider myself under obligations to your Excellency for your 
frank intimation, although I assure you that my conduct will depend 
rather on your own, in reply to the propositions Governor Chester 
will send you tomorrow regarding prisoners, and mine relative to the 
City of Pensacola, than upon your threats. In the meantime I remain 
your Excellency's most obedient servant, John Campbell. Head- 
quarters Pensacola, March 20, 1781. — Most Excellent sir, Bernardo 
de Galvez." 

At noon there arrived from Pensacola under a flag of truce one 
of General Campbell's aides de camp with letters from the former 
and Governor Chester to Sr. Galvez, and accompanied by Colonel 

Digitized by 


54 The Louisiana Historical Qmrterly 

Alexander Dickson, who remained a prisoner after the capture of 
Baton Rouge and resided in Pensacola under parole. 

Copy of General Campbell's Letter. 

"My dear sir: Humanity dictating as far as possible the pre- 
servation of innocent individuals from the cruelties and devasta- 
tions of war, and it being evident that the garrison of Pensacola can- 
not defend without the total destruction of the City, and therefore 
the ruin of a great nimiber of its inhabitants; and desiring also to 
preserve the city and garrison for the victor, to which I must ac- 
quiesce in the hope that the palm of victory will fall upon the troops 
that I have the honor to command, I have abandoned the garrison 
of Pensacola; but knowing that the conservation of the city and its 
buildings depends of your Excellency and myself, or (in other words) 
that at the present moment it is within the power of both of us to 
destroy them or no, I propose to your Excellency, that the mentioned 
City and buildings be preserved entirely without malicious harm by 
both parties during the seige of the Royal Marine redoubts. Fort 
George and others adjacent thereto, where I propose to dispute the 
conservation of western Florida to the British Crown, under the 
following stipulations." 

"That neither the City nor buildings of Pensacola, nor any part 
or portion of it, will be occupied or employed by any of the parties, 
to attack, preserve or defend themselves, nor for any other purpose 
whatever, but that it shall be an asylimi for the sick, women and 
children, who may remain there without malicious injuries, harm or 
molestation on the part of the English, Spanish troops, or their allies." 

"But in case this, my proposition, is not admitted by your 
Excellency and that some portion of the City or its buildings are 
occupied by troops under your orders, then it will be my obligation 
to impede that it serve as a shelter or hiding place, by destroying 
both, and if I saw myself compelled to take this cruel determination 
your Excellency will be the only one responsible before God and man, 
for the calamities and misfortunes that such an act would bring. 
However, the experience we have of your conduct and sentiments, 
removes the horror of such an idea, and promises me that you will 
concur in the mentioned propositions. Headquarters, Pensacola, 
March 21, 1781. Most Excellent sir. Your Most attentive servitor 
kisses your Excellency's hand. — ^John Campbell. His Excellency 
D. Bernardo de Galvez." 

The General's Reply. 

"Most Excellent Sir: My dear sir: My health not permitting 

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Dtary of Bernardo de Galvez 55 

me to reply to the letter which iinder this date your Excellency has 
remitted to ne, I have requested Lieutenant Colonel Alexander 
Dickson to inform you of my opinion, whilst tomorrow I shall do so in 
writing. God keep your Excellency many years. Camp of Santa 
Rosa, March 21st, 1781. Most Excellent Sir, Your most attentive 
servant kisses your Excellency's hand. — Bernardo de Galvez. His 
Excellency, D. Juan Campbell." 

Letter From Governor Peter Chester. 

**Most Excellent Sir: My dear sir: As we lack barracks within 
our lines, for the acconunodation of the Spanish prisoners we have in 
order not to expose their health and subject them to various hard- 
ships, and stimulated by principal of humanity, I have determined 
to propose to your Excellency, that they be set at liberty under their 
word of honor, and on condition that your Excellency will bind him- 
self that they shall not serve against H. Britannic M. nor any of his 
allies, in any capacity whatever, either civil or military during the 
present discussion or at any time until they be exchanged for other 
subjects of Great Britain or her allies who may be prisoners. God 
keep you many years. Most Excellent sir. Your attentive servant 
kisses your Excellency's hand, — ^Peter Chester. Pensacola, March 
21st, 1781. His Excellency D. Bemarda de Galvez." 

Another From the Same Party. 

"Most Excellent sir. My dear sir: As the protection and securi- 
ty of women and children against the calamities of war have always 
been looked upon by cultured nations as the primary object, I be- 
lieve myself excused from taking other steps than informing you 
that those depending on this City and surroimding coimtry will re- 
main quietly in their homes, for which I trust that your generous 
and humane sentiments will prompt you to give positive orders to the 
troops and seamen belonging to Spain or in alliance with her, that 
they shall not increase the misfortunes of these non-combatants, 
their families and goods. God keep your Excellency many years. 
Pensacola, March 21st, 1781. Most Excellent sir. Your attentive 
servant kisses your Excellency's hand, — ^Peter Chester. His Excel- 
lency Sr. D. Bernardo de Galvez." 

The General's Reply. 

"Most Excellent sir. My dear sir: I have received your Excel- 
lency's two letters imder date of today, in which you make the pro- 
positions that the prisoners of war be set at liberty and that the 
women and children remain in the City of Pensacola, hoping your 

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56 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Excellency that on my part I will give the most rigorous orders to the 
troops and sailors in the expedition under my command, that should 
not cause them the least extortion. 

"The co-incidence of finding myself a trifle ill deprives me of the 
satisfaction of replying to your Excellency upon said particulars; 
but I have, however, requested Lieutenant Colonel Dickson to ex- 
plain to your Excellency my way of thinking imtil tomorrow when I 
shall give you my reply in writing. God keep your Excellency many 
years. Camp of Santa Rosa, 21 of March, 1781. Most Excellent 
Sir, Your most attentive servant kisses your Excellency's hand, — 
Bernardo de Galvez. His Excellency Peter Chester.** 

At the time that the General wrote the mentioned letters, he 
instructed Dickson as to his views regarding the propositions Camp- 
bell and Chester had made to him, in order that he advise them until 
the next morning when he would do so properly and in writing. At 
three in the afternoon he ordered the grenadiers, who were encamped 
on that part of the Island facing the harbor to form in battle array; 
and that the other troops also opposite the harbor should nwe 
upon a small hill that would make them visible,so that Lieutenant 
Colonel Dickson could if he wished, inform General Campbell as to 
the class and number of troops that he (Galvez) commanded. After 
this the General embarked in his gig with Dickson and went on board 
the frigate Sta. Clara to speak with General Campbell's aide de camp 
who was on board by orders of the General; he went with both in the 
gig until it appeared to him opportime to leave them go back to 
Pensacola and he returned to the Camp near the hour of prayer. 

During the night several houses near Fort Barancas were seen 
to bum, and this procedure displeased the General greatly, forjto 
avoid all conflagrations he had warned General Campbell, as is seen 
in his letters. 

On the 22nd at half past nine in the morning. Colonel Ezpeleta 
was seen marching with his troops on the opposite shore insidetjie 
harbor, the General going with 500 men, including the grenadiers 
to re-inforce him, and thus allow Ezpeleta's troops to rest; and after 
having communicated his orders to Camp he returned to the Island, 
having before doing this dispatched a flag of truce to Pensacola 
with the following letters: 

*'Most Excellent Sir, My dear sir: At the time we are recipro- 
cally making one another the same propositions, for both of us aimed 
at the conservation of the goods and property of the individuals of 
Pensacola, at the same time, I say, the insult of burning the houses 
facing my Camp on the other side of the bay is committed before 
my very eyes. This fact tells of the bad faith with which you work 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 57 

and write, as also the conduct observed with the people from Mobile, 
a great many of whom have been victims of the horrible cruelties 
protected by your Excellency; all proves that your expressions are 
not sincere, that himianity is a phrase that although you repeat it 
on paper, your heart does not know, that your intentions are to gain 
time to complete the destruction of Western Florida; and I, who am 
indignant at my own credulity and the noble manner in which it is 
pretended to halucinate me, must not, nor do I wish to hear, other 
propositions than those of surrender, assuring your Excellency, that 
as it will not be my fault, I shall see Pensacola bum with the same 
indifference, that I shall see its cruel incendiaries perish upon its 
ashes. God keep your Excellency many years. Island of Sta. 
Rosa, March 22, 1781. Most Excellent Sir, Your most attentive 
servitor kisses your Excellency's hand, — Bernardo de Galvez. His 
Excellency John Campbell." 

Letter to Governor Chester. 

**Most Excellent Sir, My dear sir: I regret very much that since 
yesterday circumstances have so varied, that now I cannot, nor 
must not reply to the propositions regarding prisoners and families 
which your Excellency made me in his conmiunications; if, as is 
natural, the fate of these interests you, treat with General Campbell, 
for all depends of the good or bad conduct he observes. I, personally, 
am a servitor of your Excellency and desire that God keep you many 
years. Camp of the Sta. Rosa, March 22, 1781. Most Excellent 
Sir, Your most attentive servitor kisses your Excellency's hand, — 
Bernardo de Galvez. His Excellency Peter Chester." 

*T. D. — I enclose for your Excellency's information a copy of the 
letter I am writing to General Campbell." 

During the afternoon the King's packet, the S. Pio, that had 
just returned from the vicinity of the **de los Perdidos" River to pro- 
tect the laimches in which the people from Mobile were destined to 
cross from one shore to another, entered the harbor. The Barrancas 
Fort fired as briskly as possible but without causing it or any of the 
four boats that followed any damage whatever. 

At eight o'clock at night, the officer conunissioned to carry the 
letters addressed to Campbell returned to the Camp with the fol-. 
lowing reply: 

"My dear sir: The imperious style your Excellency uses in his 
letters of today far from producing its evident purpose of intimidat- 
ing, has made me resolve more than ever to oppose the ambitious 
undertaking Spain has placed uhder your command, by making all 
the destruction possible, and in this I will only comply with my 

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obligation to my King and country, a far more powerful motive than 
your anger." 

"The officer in command of Fort Barrancas-Coloradas, has the 
order to defend that post to the last extremity; If he has deprived 
the enemy who now assails us of a shelter, or vantage point for his 
attacks, he has fulfilled his duty, besides not having molested women 
and children nor private property. 

*1 repeat to your Excellency that if he uses the City of Pensacola 
for his attacks on Fort George or to shelter his troops I have resolved 
to execute all I have commimicated to you. 

"Insofar as the observations more immediately connected with 
me are concerned, as I believe them immerited, I despise them. 
God keep your Excellency many years. Headquarters, Pensacola, 
March 22, 1781. Most Excellent Sir, Your most attentive servitor 
kisses your Excellency's hand, John Campbell, — ^Most Excellent Sir, 
Bernardo de Galvez." 

That same night all the troops slept encamped on the shore that 
faces the Harbor, in order to be ready to pass more quickly to the 
opposite side where those from Mobile were. 

The morning of the 23rd was taken up in the preparation of 
rafts to send the artillery on the opposite shore, together with tents 
and anmiimition. At 9 o'clock sails were seen on the horizon and 
inmiediately they were believed to be the convoy from New Orleans. 
At four in the afternoon it entered the harbci*, without the least 
loss, excepting imimportant damage to the sails, and that in spite of 
the fire from Barrancas. The Convoy consisted of 16 vessels, with 
1400 men, cannons and ammimition; but three more vessels were 
missing, that had become separated the night before. 

The General issued the necessary orders, so that not only the 
troops on the ships but also those that foimd themselves on the 
Island of Santa Rosa should be in readiness to cross to the mainland 
on the following morning, in order to imite themselves with those 
already there. 

This same day Colonel Ezpeleta with the Quartermaster, ex- 
pired the outer harbor in order to move the Camp nearer the City. 

On the 24th the General ordered all the troops encamped on the 
Island of Sta. Rosa to embark on the merchant ships to be trans- 
ferred by sea to the place selected for the establishment of the Camp 
on the mainland, in order to besiege Fort George and the others 
adjacent thereto, which was carried out at four o'clock in the after- 
noon with exception of 200 men who were left occupying the Island. 

On the morning of the 25th two English sailors, deserters from 
Bararncas, arrived at the Camp, and informed the General of the 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 59 

condition of the fort and its forces. This same morning a party of 
ambushed Indians, surprised the soldiers who had gone beyond the 
lines of the outposts, killed and wounded a few, committing their 
usual cruelty of scalping the bodies of their victims, and others be- 

At noon Lieutenant Colonel Dickson arrived at the Camp, with 
his baggage and a few English prisoners who resided in Pensacola 
until they should be called. 

On the 26th at the hour of prayer the army took up the march, 
so as to cut off the point of the outer harbor and come out on the 
beach and also for the purpose of surprising some Indians and teach- 
ing them a lesson. The march through five leagues of impenetra- 
ble woods, sown with Indians, was very difficult, and in the obscuri- 
ty and thickness two parties of soldiers who were going to a given 
point by different roads had the misfortune of reciprocally mistaking 
themselves for enemies and firing on one another with the result that 
several were killed and wounded. 

On the 27th the General had the inner harbor explored, which 
was done in spite of the fire of parties of Indians. At one o'clock in 
the afternoon Councilor Stibenson arrived from Pensacola, imder a 
flag of truce, with propositions from Governor Chester. 

The troops having occupied a spot which was judged suitable 
to establish them in, the General ordered the troops to encamp, and 
that the provisions and necessary material for that purpose be brought 
from the merchant vessels. At 10 o'clock at night a few parties of 
Indians ambushed near the Camp directed themselves towards the 
Camp fires made by the soldiers, fired suddenly on these, killing some 
and wounding others; on this accoimt the Camp was ordered en- 
trenched, and that a few battalion cannons be disembarked, in order 
to use them with grape shot on the Indians whenever they approached. 

On the 28th at noon and after the General had already agreed 
with Commissioner Stibenson the mutual observance of certain arti- 
cles referring to the security of the Town of Pensacola, three Spanish 
sailors, prisoners, who had managed to escape, arrived and reported 
that they and their companions had been ill-treated by the English, 
and on this accoimt the General became angry and despatched 
Stibenson, refusing to agree to any proporsition. 

At 3 o'clock in the afternoon a multitude of about 400 Indians, 
approached the Camp and opened a brisk fire on the advanced 
guards, but the white and colored militia from New Orleans went 
out and a few cannons were brought up, by which means it was pos- 
sible to make them withdraw for the time being, but at midnight 
they again attacked the camp from different points and whilst they 

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were repulsed our troops suffered a few losses in killed and woimded. 

On the 29th a launch was sent to Mobile with orders for the ships 
that were there with artillery and ammunition destined to the Ex- 
pedition, to set sail immediately. 

The General having dedded to move the Camp closer to Pensa- 
cola, the reshipment of all the field-artillery, supplies and material 
was ordered, their transportation by land being very difficult. 

He ordered the Companies of grenadiers, infantry and other 
light troops to prepare themselves to march at day-break, and that 
after the beach of the inner harbor had been occupied by this corps, 
the rest of the army should disembark in launches and incorporate 
itself without fear of being attacked. 

On the 30th at 5 o'clock in the morning, the General placed 
himself at the head of this colvunn of 1100 men, with two field pieces, 
and in passing through a defile the scouting parties advised that 
there were Indians ambushed in the vicinity; for this reason he or- 
dered a halt should be made and that they be fired on with a cannon, 
by which means they were put to flight. 

At half past 10 o'clock the General arrived with the colunm to 
occupy the beach he had proposed to occupy which is situated within 
a cannon shot of Fort George, without interference from the enemy. 
The troops having taken possession of this grotmd, outposts and 
sentinels were placed in all the avenues, and all other precautions 
dictated by prudence and art were taken to better insure safety; 
and at the same time a message was sent to Colonel Ezpeleta to em- 
bark with the rest of the troops and come and incorpcw-ate himself 
into the new camp. 

The General afterwards went on board the frigate Clara, to dis- 
cuss the establishments of Hospitals, and that the ships advance as 
near as possible to the Camp of the troops. 

At one o'clock in the afternoon the rest of the army began to 
arrive, and shortly afterwards firing was heard from the outposts, 
occasioned by a party of Indians who had approached; on this ac- 
count and because the firing increased greatly, it was determined that 
the light troops set out for the time being to support the outposts, 
and that the others should advance also to form in battle array and 
occupy a plain, bom which they could be moved with greater facility 
should the enemy attempt a sortie. A short time after it was seen 
that in effect troops were coming out of Fort George, and that the 
fire from the Indians had increased extraordinarily, all of which 
having been duly noted by Ezpeleta, he ordered that the wings of the 
army should prolong themselves to a certain distance in order to cut 
off the enemies' retreat in case they should abandon the field, but the 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 61 

purpose of these was no other than to support the Indians and at- 
tack us with two field pieces they had brought to fire on us with solid 

In these circumstances the General arrived, and seeing that the 
troops engaged were surrounded on all sides by a class of enemies 
whose real advantage consists in never coming out from the cover of 
the woods, adopted the plan to attack them with a few companies of 
light infantry, and with the assistance of two field pieces, this maneu- 
ver not only obliged the Indians to retire precipitately, but also com- 
pelled the English troops who supported them to retire to the shelter 
of Fort George, so that at seven o'clock in the evening, the army was 
already turning up earth to entrench itself, its right wing resting on a 
house near the beach and its left on the point of the inner harbor. 
This afternoon there were several killed and woimded, among these 
the Colonel of the King's Regiment, who died the following day, and 
two sub-altern officers. 

As the General had ordered the landing of the field-artillery, six 
cannons were immediately placed on the left and two others on the 
right so as to make use of them if the enemy attacked during the 

On the 31st the General went to the above mentioned house to 
observe the City and land in its vicinity, and the troops employed 
the day in perfecting the trench and erecting some tents that had 
been apportioned by Companies. 

At seven o'clock at night a deserter from the Maryland Regi- 
ment arrived with the report that General Campbell planned another 
sortie like the one of the day before, and that in the City there were 
600 equipped troops, 300 sailors, many armed negroes, and a large 
ntmiber of Indians encamped under the shelter of Fort George. 

On the first of April at eight o'clock in the morning the Quarter- 
master set out with a detachment of 500 men to explore a height 
near the forts of the enemy and a little while after a contingent of 
about 250 English troops were seen, which maintained itself in ob- 
servation until the detachment retired. 

At three o'clock in the afternoon the General went in his gig to 
explore the Fort and vicinity of the town of Pensacola, and a little 
while after three deserters fi-om the Waldek Regiment arrived, but 
these had nothing to add to what had already been said by the first 
one. During all this day the troops busied themselves in clearing 
the woods around the Camp in order to deprive the Indians of this 
means of sheltering themselves. 

At two o'clock in the morning eight deserters from various 
Regiments arrived with more or less the same reports the others had 

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made, and at ten the Quartermaster set out to mark the spot of the 
new camp nearer the place the General had selected to establish 
his batteries. 

At one o'clock in the afternoon two more deserters arrived and 
reported that General Campbell had determined to open fire of his 
Forts on our Camp at three o'clock of the same; in view of this the 
General ordered that two-thirds of the army with their arms and 
accoutrements should join the Quartermaster in order to help on the 
trench, cautioning that all the tents be left up, so that the enemy 
should not know the intention. 

At prayer time, the rest of the army retired also, the tents were 
folded, and the cannons were conducted to the new Camp, and 110 
men left occupying the house called Nihil, until further orders. 

The troops spent the night quietly without being molested by the 
enemy. At seven o'clock in the morning an English schooner set 
sail in the interior of the Harbor, and having seen this, two laimches 
from the war ships and one from the brig Galveztown set out and 
captured it without opposition. 

On the third the General ordered the 110 men who had been 
left at the Nihil house to retire and that two companies of light in- 
fantry go near there daily to protect desertion, and that the laimches 
with provisions and other property of the army should always come 
by the creek of the inner harbor which protected his rear, inasmuch 
as there was sufficient water to facilitate transportation. 

In the afternoon the General ordered the Royal Navy to take 
four English ships that had been abandoned and were at anchor 
near the town, among these there was one frigate of war called Port 
Royal with 60 Spanish prisoners on board, and that the brig Galvez- 
town go to the Scambier River to do the same with several schooners, 
also abandoned, and which had been reported by deserters. 

At four in the morning. Colonel Ezpeleta again went out with the 
Quartermaster to examine the hill from which it was planned to at- 
tack Fort George and several workmen were engaged to lay out the 
Camp, thus avoiding that the Indians should ambush themselves 
and molest us. 

On the 5th, the chiefs of the Talapuz Nation arrived at the Camp; 
the General listened to their mission and it was agreed that they 
should supply the camp with fresh meat. 

The clearing of the woods was continued during the morning 
and afternoon and it was decided as an urgent measure to construct 
two redoubts on the creek of the inner harbor so as to protect the 
laimches from the attacks of the Indians who fired on them from 
various places. 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 63 

At midnight they approached the Camp and fired, and we had 
an officer wounded in his tent. 

At 6 o'clock in the morning the General went with the Quarter- 
master and several Engineers to examine the above mentioned hill, 
and select another closer place for the establishment of the camp. 

During the day the troops continued to clear the woods and 
began to haul the ammunition which was being landed. 

At seven o'clock in the morning it was reported to the General 
that the brig Galveztown had captured a polacre and three schooners 
near the River Scambier, and a Lieutenant from the Maryland Regi- 
ment presented himself to the General asking to serve under his 
orders, for having become involved with his Captain he left the 
English service, and was walking towards Georgia when he heard of 
our arrival. 

Through this officer and several deserters the General learned 
that the Indians were retiring; that they busied themselves in rob- 
bing the houses of the inhabitants and in burning all those they could 
in the country that several terrified families had asked permission to 
embark in the brig Galveztown, and that Mr. Deans, Captain of the 
British Royal Navy's frigate Mentor, had burned his ship to avoid 
its capture by the Spaniards. 

On this same morning the General dispatched the Talapuz 
Chiefs on a mission to the Indians of the English faction, to persuade 
them not to take part either on one side or the other during this war, 
and to bring all the cattle they could. 

In the afternoon work was begun on the two red6ubts of the 
inner harbor in such a way that their fire would be flanking, so as to 
keep the Indians as far away as possible. 

On the 8th the General wrote to Mobile so that a few Indians 
from the tribes most friendly to Spain should come for the purpose' 
of persuading those who still continued attacking the Camp to retire, 
and for the purpose also of employing them in bringing all the cattle 
they could. 

On the morning of the ninth Coimcilor Stibenson arrived at the 
Camp under a flag of truce, sent by Governor Chester to inform the 
General that a detachment of English troops in the City of Pensacola 
was there only for the purpose of protecting it against the daily dis- 
orders of the Indians and to avoid conflagrations. 

In the afternoon he received a letter from the same Chester 
advising that he had liberated 11 Spanish prisoners he still had. 

A deserter also arrived, who said that the defenses of Fort 
George were being daily strengthened and that a detachment of 300 
Creek Indians had just arrived. 

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64 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

At 10 o'clock a soldier from the Louisiana Regiment deserted, 
and another from the Regiment of the Prince was shot for insubor- 
dination to his Sergeant. 

At 2 o'clock in the afternoon the Quartermaster set out to select 
a place for a new Camp, nearer to where it was desired to attack, and 
on this same day the redoubts were finished with four cannons each, 
and the Navy took charge of its defense. 

On the Uth a deserter arrived and said that the one who passed 
over to the enemy had informed General Campbell that the army 
consisted of 3000 men, etc. That this General expected a re-inforce- 
ment of Indians and considerable help from Jaimaca and had written 
the day before to Georgia, requesting assistance to throw us out of 
the country. 

On the 12th, at six o'clock in the morning, the Camp was moved 
to the above mentioned place and the troops endeavored to entrench 
theniselves as best they could; upon the angles that faced the avenues 
several field pieces were placwi, and a redoubt was begun in order to 
occupy ground that guaranteed the safety of the Camp. During all 
this maneuver the enemy did not fire, but at one o'clock opened with 
several elevated shots at us from Fort George. 

At four o'clock the outposts reported that several divisions were 
coming out of the Fort probably to attack us from different points. 
A while after several parties of Indians advanced and fired on the 
companies of light infantry that defied them; the General ordered 
that another go to their support with instructions not to intern 
themselves in the wood on account of the advantage this gave the 
Indians as had been learned by previous experience. 

Our light infantry replied to the fire of the Indians and English 
troops that supported them with the greatest firmness; but seeming to 
the General that a continuation of this would compel him to fight 
too long, he ordered the companies to retire to the protection of the 
nearest battery and that the enemy be fired upon with grape shot 
whenever he approached. 

A quarter of an hour after the General was advised that the 
enemies were approaching from three different points with two small 
cannons, for which reason he advanced to explore the place to which 
they seemed to be going in order to cut off their retreat; and having 
arrived at one of the advanced batteries a bullet struck him which 
went through one of the fingers of his left hand and furrowed his 
abdomen, and having retired to his tent to allow the surgeons to bind 
his woimds, he ordered Major-General Ezpeleta to take conmiand 
on his own accoimt and in his (Galvez's name), and to order whatever 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 65 

necessary to execute promptly, until his wounds permitted him to 
again supervise all things. 

Those of our batteries that had begun firing continued to do so 
against the Indians until these were obliged to retire, then it ceased 
on both sides without fxirther loss to us than one killed and nine 

On the 13th 1000 men were destined to clear the woods aroxmd 
the Camp, work on the redoubt and transport the artillery and mater- 
ial from the former Camp. 

On the 14th at six o'clock in the mcxming, 600 men went out to 
construct fascines, and work was begun on an excavation which was 
to serve as a powder magazine. 

At four o'clock in the afternoon a deserter from the Maryland 
Regiment arrived, and after being examined by the General, said 
among other things that on the afternoon of the 12th, there had been 
several Indians wQimded and an English officer killed. 

At eight o'clock a horrible tempest of rain, wind and thimder 
occurred, which greatly disturbed the Camp on account of its dura- 
tion. The soldiers' ammimition became useless and for this reason 
they were ordered to use the bayonet in case the enemy should at- 
tempt a sortie, imtil such time as new ammunition could be provided; 
most of the tents fell to the groimd, including the hospital tent, and 
the surgeons prognosticated that many of the woundied would ^e of 
convulsions, and the fears that this might happen to our General 
greatly worried everyone. 

On the morning of the 13th all work was suspended, so that the 
soldiers might dry their clothes and put their ann3 in good conditions. 

In the afternoon 700 men were destined to make fascines, and 
haul the anrniimition that now began to arrive, and 66 Indians of the 
Chastae Nation that the General had asked for in Mobile arrived 
also, and encamped between the camp and the redoubt which had 
just been finished. 

There also arrived a deserter from the Cavalry who reported 
that Fort George had suffered some slight damage from the storm 
and that the English troops would desert every time opportimity 

On the morning of the 17th, a company of the light infantry of 
Navarra, captured a courrier with several official and private letters 
for the Commandant of the Red-Clift's Fort. In one of these General 
Campbell assured that Admiral Rowley would send him considerable 
help, that his troops would defend themselves to the last extremity, 
and that whilst there was some desertion, far from this causing him 
any anxiety it augmented his confidence, for those truly soldiers re- 

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mained, and that besides the arrival of the Creek Indians, he expected 
considerable re-inforcements from other friendly nations. 

The construction of fascines and the carting of ammunition ^^as 
continued by the troops during all of this day. 

On the 18th, a settee and a brig from Havana entered the harbor 
with provisions, without the fire from Red-Clift's causing them any 
loss. From the papers they brought for the General was learned the 
joyful news that his father, the President of Guatemala, had dis- 
lodged the English from the Castle of Nicaragua, and to celebrate 
this the General ordered that the heavy artillery in the Camp fire a 
triple salute, and the same thing was commimicated to the Navy. 

This same day the Engineers went to explore the crescent bat- 
tery of the salient of Fort George without the enemy noticing it, and 
three deserters who arrived ratified the report that on the same day 
the army had broken camp near the Nihil house General Campbell 
had planned to fire on it with forty carmons, and several howitzers 
and mortars. 

At eleven o'clock at night there was some firing from the Indians 
against the outposts, without any except very slight damage. 

On the morning of the 19th another exploration of the crescent 
battery was made, and measurements taken of the distance from it 
to the place best suited to reduce it, and this new exploration was in- 
dispensable as we had no exact plans, and the coimtry was wooded 
and each step was a risk and a clash with the Indians. 

At two o'clock the General was informed that fourteen vessels 
some of them ships of war were in sight, which caused a great deal of 
preoccupation as it was deemed likely to be the help the enemy ex- 

At four o'clock it was reported to him twenty-one were in sight 
and that they seemed to be Spanish, but as he had received no news 
in the mail from Havana which had arrived the day before, nor had 
he asked for help, his preoccupation increased, and in order to remove 
all doubts at once, he ordered a conmiissioned officer to repair to the 
bay and report on the matter so as to provide for it. 

At eight o'clock this officer returned and affirmed that the Chiefs 
of Squadron D. Joseph Solano and Mr. Monteill were near the Island 
of Santa Rosa with 15 ships, 3 frigates, and other vessels and a land- 
ing party of 1600 men under the comnmiand of the Field Marshall 
D. Juan Manuel Cagigall, to reinforce the army. 

On the morning of the 20th, the Adjutants of the Squadron 
came to the Camp to inform the General that, advices having been 
received in Havana that 8 English ships, several transports and fri- 
gates had been sighted from Cape San Antonio, it was presumed 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 67 

that this might be the relief expedition for Pensacola, and that thus 
oiir attempt might fail, for which reason the Coimcil of Generals had 
determined to embark the said troops on the referred to ships. 

The two adjutants in the names of Sr. Solano and Mr. Monteill 
were also commissioned to offer the assistance of the artillery troops 
and crews of their ships, to which the General acquiesced in order 
that they also might share in the glory of this conquest. They also 
told the General that the frigate "Francesca la Andromaca" had 
stranded near the coast, and that in order to float it, they had seen 
themselves compelled to throw several cannons into the sea. 

This day was employed in making fascines and in carting the 
artillery and war mtmitions. 

On the 21st the heavy sea did not permit the disembarking of 
troops, but several schooners were destined to receive them at the 
ships' sides. 

During the afternoon the French cutter "Serpent" entered the 
harbor with field marshal D. Juan Manuel Cagigal and Don Francisco 
Saavedra on board, who inmiediately went to see the General and 
remained with hinL Red-Clifts fired sixteen cannon shots at the 
cutter as it entered but not one hit the hull or rigging. That same 
afternoon the squadron same to anchor in 7 fathoms of water about 
half a league from land as so to be in readiness for the landing of the 
troops which began to take place at night. 

On the morning of the 22nd, Field Marshall Cagigal, the Major- 
General and the Quartermaster went out to examine the point of 
attack of the crescent battery, and being discovered by the enemy 
they were fired upon with cannon and compelled to retire. 

On this same morning two companies of French light infantry, 
and those of the artillery of the same nation, entered the camp and 
were assigned a camping place. 

During the rest of the day other troops of the Army and Navy, 
with their officers began to arrive and a place was assigned to them; 
and so that all services should be rendered with due exactitude the 
General ordered that the army be formed into four Brigades, the 
first imder conmiand of Brigadier D. Geronimo Giron, another under 
command of Colonel D. Manuel Pineda, another one under conunand 
of Colonel D. Francisco Longoria, the fourth imder the command 
of the Capitan of ship D. Felipe Lopez Carrizosa, and the French 
Division imder conunand of the Capitan of Ship Mr. de Boiderout 

On the 23rd at 10 o'clock in the morning the Quartermaster 
went out with a detachment of light infantry to survey the parallel 
lines of the crescent batteries, and this operation being observed by 
the enemy a brisk fire was begun on the detachment. 

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At noon a deserter arrived and reported that General Campbell 
thought of establishing a new provisional battery on one side of the 
crescent, and that very night the garrison slept on their arms as a 
surprise was feared. 

On the morning of the 24th, Brigadier Giron went with two 
engineers to the place where the two new batteries were to be es- 
tablished; but the enemy who soon discovered the companies of light 
infantry that acccmipanied them, commenced to fire with cannon, 
thus enabling a force to come out and support the Indians who al- 
ready annoyed us with their musketry; the light infantry returned 
the fire that was made on it with a freat deal of firmness, now advanc- 
ing and now retiring, according to the circumstances; but as the 
firing continued for quite a time, the General ordered two more 
companies to go out of the Camp in support of the others. This 
last^ for more than one hour and in the skirmish we had fifteen 
soldiers wounded, and although we do not know the losses of the 
enemy, we do know that several Indians remained dead on the field, 
besides one who came over to the Camp that same morning. 

During the afternoon the Indians acc(Hnpanied by some troops 
again annoyed the outposts and after firing for some time retir^ 
having wounded three soldiers. At Vf^Y^ time all the artillery of 
Fort George, in the crescent and circle began to salute and a short 
while after muskets were discharged, without our knowing then the 
cause of this rejoicing. 

On the 25th a few companies of light infantry left the Camp to 
accompany the Commandant of Artillery and a few French of&ers 
who went to inspect the point of attack, and a little while after their 
arrival there, several Indians fired on them, which was replied to by 
the light infantry who retreated with five wounded. 

At eleven o'clock in the morning. Councilor Stibenson arrived 
at the Camp imder a flag of truce from the Governor of Pensacola, 
Peter Chester, to treat of several particulars concerning the neutrality 
of the town; and he said that the salutes of the night before had been 
to celebrate the recent successes that Lord Comwallis had obtained 
against the Americans. 

At one in the afternoon a deserter from the Cavalry arrived, 
exaggerating greatly the fwrces of the enemy, and, appearing suspi- 
cious to the General, the man was ordered aboard ship to be securely 

On the 26th at four in the afternoon the engineers set out with 
five companies of grenadiers and light infantry, to trace the trench 
that was to be dug that night and to examine the crescent for the 
last time; but when they had about half finished this operation^ they 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 69 

were compelled to stop on account of the many parties of Indians 
who, sustained by 200 troops commenced to fire on them; our people 
replied and attacked them with two field pieces they carried, obliging 
them to retire precipitately to the crescent; but this battery began to 
fire with heavy artillery and several howitzers preventing for the time 
being the conclusion of the exploration; nevertheless imequivocal signs 
were left to distinguish during the night the place where the trench 
should begin to be dug. 

At ten o'clock at night 700 laborers with 300 fascines, sustained 
by 800 grenadiers and light infantry, set out to begin this work in the 
said place; to* arrive there it was necessary to traverse a thick wood, 
and the way was made more difficult on accoimt of the great nxmiber 
of trees that had been cut and pits that had been dug from place to 
place, for which reason, and also because strict silence had to be 
observed, the march was taken up at a slow pace. 

On the 27th, it was already one o'clock and all the troops had 
not yet been posted at the avenues; the night was dark, with thimder, 
much lightening and some showers. These considerations and that, 
that probably the troops would not have time to take to cover before 
the break of day, was the cause that the work was suspended for the 
time being, and the troops returned to camp at three o'clock in the 
morning, leaving two companies of grenadiers posted thereabouts 
ionc observation purposes. 

After the break of day two companies of light infantry were sent 
to relieve these, with the order that they prevent the enemy from 
exploring the groimd or removing the signals left for the opening 
of the trench. 

At eight o'clock in the morning two deserters arrived and among 
the things they fold the General, they did not omit to say that the 
enemy continued to prepare to defend themselves to the last extremi- 

At nine o'clock shots were heard in the direction where the light 
infantry was posted, and at the same time the General was informed 
that the enemy was cutting trees in front of the crescent, and fearing 
they might entrench themselves in its shelter and frustrate our plans 
in those parts, he ordered that four companies with two field pieces 
should go out immediately, so that in union with the others they 
might protect the engineers who were again surveying the line; and 
that once this was accomplished, the cutting of trees was to be pre- 
vented and the enemy kept away without exposing the troops too 

After the engineers had finished their operations without being 
noticed by the English, the four companies went to the place where 

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the trees were being cut, and discovered that in effect work had been 
started on a small parapet, and that two field pieces were already 
emplaced near a point that our parallel lines followed. 

After a while they fired with these, to which we replied briskly 
with the two we carried and with the musket, and they would have 
been thrown out of this place had they not foimd themselves sup- 
ported by the crescent, that began to throw bombs and royal grenades, 
imtil one o'clock in the afternoon when our troops were relieved, 
having suffered the loss of four dead and twelve woimded. In the 
afternoon two soldiers from the Louisiana Regiment deserted, for 
which reason the trench was not dug that night although the orders 
had been given. 

At eleven o'clock at night a deserter arrived at the camp, and 
on being examined by the General said that in the place there were 
more than 600 regular troops excluding the sailors, negroes and civi- 
lians who took up arms; that the number of Indians was about 400 
and that a new battery was being installed to the right of the crescent 
in order to increase the defense. 

On the morning of the 28th, 200 laborers set out to open a street 
in the woods so that the troops could go to the place where the trench 
had to be opened, and this same morning two Irish soldiers and a 
Louisiana corporal deserted. 

In the ^temoon the same workmen with the necessary tools 
began to construct a covered road to enable them to go to a small 
hill where it had been decided to establish a battery so as to divert 
the fire of Fort George, whilst the premeditated one was effected 
against the crescent. 

At eight o'clock at night 700 laborers with 350 fascines and sup- 
ported by 800 men left the Camp to carry out this idea. 

At eleven o'clock the General was informed that the digging of 
the trench had begim without this having been noticed by the enemy, 
and a little later the Quartermaster and the Engineer of the detail 
arrived and informed the General that all the troops were under 
cover and that the work advanced rapidly. 

On the 29th at four o'clock in the morning the laborers were 
relieved to perfect the trench and continue the opening of the covered 

At six o'clock the enemy observed the work that had been done 
and began to fire cannons and mortars to annoy us; and several 
parties of them who approached to explore the trench with two field 
pieces were vigorously repulsed with two others that were placed at 
the head and tail of it. At half past eleven the fire of the enemy 
stopped, probably to cool their artillery. 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 71 

At eight o'clock at night 800 men of arms left the Camp to re- 
lieve those in the trench, and 600 to begin the construction of a bat- 
tery of 6 cannons of 24 and several mortars, that it was proposed 
to make on a height suitable for the purpose of diverting the enemies 
fire, whilst another was being constructed closer. 600 men were 
also destined to continue the trench and to construct two redoubts 
to the right and left of it for its defense. 

At nine o'clock the fire from cannon, howitzers and mortars was 
renewed, but at some interval. 

On the 30th at one o'clock at night the fire of the enemy ceased 
until day break when it began anew with the greatest rapidity, and 
whilst it lasted we only suffered the loss of one man, one officer mid 
one soldier seriously woimded. 

At seven o'clock a deserter arrived and assured that in the glacis 
of Fort George, the construction of a battery of small calibre cannons 
had begun. 

All this day was taken up in widening the trench, perfecting the 
batteries of cannons and mortars and in finishing the said two re- 
doubts without the enemy firing on us any more. 

At eight o'clock at night the men of arms and laborers were 
relieved and the four mortars were brought to the battery. 

At day break on the first of May the enemies began to fire with 
several canncms, 3 mortars, and 4 howitzers, and this continued 
without interruption imtil 10 o'clock in the morning, and from that 
hour on they still fired but very slowly; but having noticed that 
work was proceeding on the road that lead from the trench to the 
battery, they augmented it extraordinarily, to such an extent that the 
General thought it best to suspend the work. 

But the work was kept during the night in ,spite of the bombs 
and royal grenades and a battery of six cannons of 24 was emplaced 
provided with everything necessary. 

On the 2nd at half past five in the morning, the enemy again 
began to annoy us with their fire, and in order to draw their attention 
the General ordered our cannons to begin, which was kept up imtil 
prayer time when the enemies stopped theirs. 

During the afternoon the Quartermaster went out with the other 
engineers to trace the line for the prolongation of the trench so as to 
occupy Pine Hill, in which place another battery of greater strength 
was to be constructed to attack the crescent. At eight o'clock at 
night 800 soldiers and as many laborers left the Camp to begin these 
new works. 

The Quartermaster and Engineer of the detail arrived at mid- 
night to inform the General that the troops were already imder cover 

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and had not been seen by the enemy; they added that work was pro- 
gressing on the crescent in order to repair the parapet which had 
been damaged by the fire of our cannon. 

On the 3rd at day break, the enemy discovered the new trench 
situated 225 toises from the first Fort and began to fire mortars and 
howitzers against the workmen who continued their labors, but our 
battery replied with such vigor that it silenced the crescent during 
more than two hours. 

At nine o'clock in the morning four deserters arrived and on 
being examined by the General said that the several bombs that had 
fallen in the crescent and Fort Gewge had occasioned severe losses 
and that our cannons had dismoimted two of those and at the same 
time destroyed two merlons that had been repaired the night before. 

Our battery fire kept the crescent and circle busy for the rest of 
the day with its good aim. At prayer time both sides ceased and 800 
men of arms left the Camp to relieve those in the trench, and 860 
laborers went out to prolong it and form redoubts at its end in order 
to safeguard it there. 

The 4th. Although all night was taken up in working for the 
conclusion of the trench and construction of the redoubt, the time 
was not sufficient for the formation of the gim embrasures, so that the 
soldier could with difficulty fire from the parapet of these works, nor 
was it possible to remain outside on accoimt of the hail of shot 
thrown from the crescent. 

All the morning the enemy directed a fairly well aimed cannon 
fire on this part, but particularly at one o'clock they took it up with 
such vigor with cannister, bombs and grenades that they obliged the 
troops to use of every means they judged adequate to free themselves. 
At this moment parties of English troops that had left the crescent 
without being seen and for that premeditated purpose, attacked the 
redoubt that was held by a company of the Mallorca grenadiers 
and half a company of Hibernians. At this jimcture the troops al- 
though encouraged by their officers, the Captain and Second Lieu- 
tenant of Mallorca having been killed, and the First Lieutenant 
seriously woimded, as also the Captain and Lieutenant of the Hi- 
bernians, at the first onslaught retired to the second redoubt where 
the enemy pursued them with cold steel, but these soon returned to the 
first one they had captured. 

At the first advice of this occurrence the General ordered Colonel 
Ezpeleta to go with four companies of light infantry and dislodge 
the enemy; but before this Colonel had time to reach the spot, they 
had already retired, leaving the trench on fire, four field pieces 
spiked and besides carrying away the Captain and Lieutenant of the 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 73 

Hibernians and the officers of the same grade from the Mallorca 
Regiment, for these being seriously woimded were unable to retire. 

The losses experimented in this blow were eighteen killed and 
sixteen woimded, exclusive of the officers. 

During the afternoon the trench and redoubt were repaired and 
four new cannons emplaced; and during the night the enemies di- 
rected a fire from mortars and howitzers on this spot. 

On the 5th workmen were busied in carrying fascines, cotton 
bales and sacks to form an embankment in the shelter of which the 
premeditated battery night be moimted. 

During the night four deserters arrived, but they could not tell 
the General the number of the forces that had attacked the redoubt. 

The fire of the enemy was fairly brisk, and from prayer time was 
entirely directed to the left, which caused the loss of several killed 
and woimded. 

During the night there was a violent tempest of wind, thimder 
and rain, which flooded all the camp, particularly the trench, for 
which reason work was suspended; and the squadron foimd itself 
compelled to let go its moorings and make sail for fear of being 
dashed on the shore. 

On the morning of the 6th in consideration of the bad night 
they had passed the General ordered that the troops in the trench 
be relieved and they be given a ration of grog. 

At seven o'clock our battery began to play with particularly 
good aim on the crescent, but this one occupied itself mostly in an- 
noying the troops on the left to prevent the attacks. 

At 9 o'clock two howitzers that had been placed in the redoubt 
at the tail of the trench began to fire and continued to do so very 
vigorously during the rest of the day. 

At prayer time the firing ceased on both sides, but at nine 
o'clock the enemy resxmied it with bombs and grenades, causing us 
enough loss. 

At 10 o'clock work was begim on an embankment on the redoubt 
to the left in order to form a shelter behind which a battery of can- 
nons could be made, and the General desiring to shorten the siege 
and teach the enemy a lesson ordered 700 men of the grenadiers 
and light infantry to assault the crescent whilst the Fort would be 
alarmed in such a way as to distract its attention. 

On the 7th at one o'clock in the morning the troops set out im- 
der command of Brigadier D. Geronimo Giron, with all the necessary 
equipment to overcome all the obstacles that might be foimd at the 
mouth of the crescent; but in order to arrive there without being 
seen it was necessary to go aroimd a small hill thickly wooded with pine 

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trees, and day was fast approaching when the troops arrived where 
they were to halt in order to attack precipitately; as a consequence 
far from surprising the enemy, it would find it imder arms as is usual 
at this hour. With this knowledge, General Ezpeleta, who found 
himself in the trench for the purpose of reinforcing Giron if he needed 
it, advised the General that the execution of this plan having been 
retarded for the mentioned reason, it would be best to suspend it, 
as it lacked but little for day-break, upon learning which the General 
inmiediately ordered the return of the troops, which was done without 
the enemy being aware of the movement. 

At six o'clock in the morning our left again suffered the fire of the 
crescent, and it was observed that the loopholes that faced our bat- 
tery had been covered up, probably to protect themselves from its 

At eight o'clock in the morning some of the fascines of the cres- 
cent began to bum, but they extinguished them in half an hour. 

At 4 o'clock in the afternoon work was begim on the projected 
battery in spite of the fire of the enemy, which work was hurriedly 
continued during the night. 

On the 8th at five o'clock in the morning only the esplanades 
to emplace the artiliery remained to be finished, so that if work was 
actively pushed these could go into action at noon. 

At 6'clock the fire firom the crescent was renewed, to which we 
replied with two howitzers from the redoubts, with such success, 
that one of our grenades having fired the powder magazine it blew 
up the crescent with 105 men of the garrison. 

When this occurred the General ordered Brigadier Giron with the 
troops from the trench and General Ezpeleta with several companies 
of light infantry to go and occupy the groimd whilst a colunm set 
out from the Camp to fulfill all that was necessary. 

After the troops were seen in the above place the middle Fort 
began to fire with cannister and musketry; but the two howitzers 
and two cannons having been carried firom the redoubt, these were 
brought up and the enemy's fire vigorously replied to and during 
this time the troops did the same with mudcets imder cover of the 
ruins of the crescent. 

The firing continued until three o'clock in the afternoon when 
Fort George hoisted the white flag and an Adjutant of General 
Campbell's came to propose a suspension imtil the following day in 
order to capitulate. The General went immediately to the place 
where the officer waited for him, and not having acceded to the sus- 
pension, Campbell proposed several articles, some being granted 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 75 

and others refused. At one o'clock at night both Generals came to 
an agreement. 

On the 9th the capitulation was drawn up in the terms expressed 
in the annexed note, and signed. 

On the 10th at three o'clock in the afternoon six companies of 
grenadiers and the light infantry of the French Brigade, formed 500 
yards from Fort George, and at that distance the General came 
out with his troops and after having surrendered the flag of the Waldek 
Regiment and one from the artillery they laid down their arms with 
the usual ceremonies. Immediately two companies of grenadiers 
were told off to take possession of Fort George, and the light infantry 
from the French Brigade did the same with the circular battery. 

On the 11th a detachment was sent out to take possession of the 
Red-Clifts Fort on the Barrancas, whose garrison consisted of 139 
men including officers. This Fort had 11 cannons moimted, of which 
5 were of 32 calibre. On the same day the General gave orders to 
begin the inventory of the provisions, artillery, supplies and anmiu- 
nition in the Forts conquered, and to the Major General and other 
Chiefs of the Expedition that they begin to re-embark all that was 
on land in order not to lose a moment's time in returning the troops 
to Havana. 

The total number of prisoners reaches the sxmi of 1113 men, 
who added to the 105 blown up in the crescent, 56 deserters that had 
presented themselves during the siege, and 300 who whilst the 
capitulation was being drawn up retired to Gecnrgia, shows that the 
garrison was <:omposed of about 1600 men, without coimting the 
many negroes that helped in its defense, the dead they had before, 
and the multitude of Indians that inimdated the woods and coimtry. 
Besides the prisoners, there are 101 women and 123 children, to whom 
rations have been accorded as they are dependent on these; so that 
today the number that are considered such reaches 1347. 

The losses the enemy has occasioned the army during the siege 
are 75 killed and 198 woimded, as appears in the statement of the 
Major-General annexed herewith. The Navy has lost 21 men and 
has had 4 woimded. Pensacola, the 13th of May, 1781. Bernardo 
de Galvez. 

to between Sr. D. Bernardo de Galvez, Pensioned Knight of the 
Royal and distinguished Order of Charles the III, Field Marshal of 
the Royal Armies of H. Catholic M., Inspector, Superintendent and 
Governor General of the Province of Louisiana and Commandant 
General of the Expedition; and the Most Excellent Sirs Peter Chester, 
Esquire, Governor-Commandant in Chief, Chancellor and Vice- 

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76 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Admiral for H. Britannic M. in the Province of Western Florida, 
and Joh nCampbell, Field Marshal and Commandant General of the 
Troops of H. Britaniiic M. in the said Province. 


All the Forts and posts at present occupied by the Troops of 
H. B. M. will be (within the specified time) delivered to those of 
H. C. M. The English soldiers and sailors will go out with all the 
honors of war, arms shouldered, drums beating, flags flying, two 
field gims with six cartridges, and the same nxmiber for each soldier, 
to within 500 yards of their different posts, where they will give 
up their arms, and the officers shall retain their swords, following 
which they will be embarked as promptly as possible in well condi- 
tioned ships provided for at the expense of H. C. M. to be conducted 
to any of the ports of Great Britain that General Campbell may 
select. The troops and sailors are to be imder the immediate direc- 
tion of their respective officers, and will not be able to serve against 
Spain or her allies imtil an exchange is verified for an equal niunber of 
Spanish prisoners or those of her allies, in accordance with the estab- 
lished custom in equality of rank and other equivalent things. 


Conceded, excepting only the ports of the Island of Jamaica 
and that of St. Augustine, Florida; and in the matter of the exchange 
of prisoners, the Spaniards are to be preferred over their allies, and 
they will be sent for exchange to ports of Spain at the expense of 
H. B. M. 


The general staff. Commissaries, store-keepers, and generally 
all individuals who by their calling or employment depend upon the 
troops will be included in the foregoing article. 




A well-conditioned ship, provided with all necessary equipment 
at the expense of H. C. M. will serve as a Hospital for the sick and 
woimded who are able to accompany the other troops to the port 
selected for their retirement; good treatment will be given to those 
who remain, and as soon as they are able they will be sent in a ship 
imder flag of truce to the same place. 

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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 77 


Conceded, but General Campbell must leave Commissaries, 
Surgeons and medicines for the assistance of the sick at the expense 
of H. B. M., to be tran^)orted after at the expense of H. C. M., as is 
the rest of the garrison. 


The Captain and officers of the Navy will retain the servants 
granted by the regulations, and these will be included in the first 



All officers, soldiers and sailors that compose the garrison of the 
Forts and posts included in this Capitulation will be allowed to keep 
without harm or annoyance all their private property, baggage and 
personal effects, and will be allowed to embark them in the ships 
that in accordance with the first article must be destined, or they may 
sell them in Pensacola. 


Conceded insofar as baggage and equipment is concerned as is 
customary in the Army. 


All necessary papers for the auditing of accoimts in England or 
any otha: place will be preserved. 


Conceded, after they have been examined. 


A ship which the then Commandant of the Navy at Pensacola 
sent to Havana imder flag of truce will be sent to the same port as 
the troops and sailors of this garrison as is stipulated in the first 


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A commodious and well-provisioned ship shall be furnished at 
the expense of H. C. M. to transport the Governor, his family and good 
goods to Great Britain, or to any other of H. B. M. governments in 
North America as he may elect; and whilst he remains in the Province 
he will occupy the Government House in the City of Pensacola, pro- 
tecting his person, goods and effects which will not be searched before 
or upon his departure. 


Conceded, with the exception that he will take any other ex- 
cept the Government House he solicits. 


Another commodious and well provisioned ship will be furnished 
with all necessary equipment at the expense of H. C. M. to transport 
Major-General John Campbell, his suite and family and all his goods 
jmd effects to Great Britain, or any other port of H. B. M. in North 
America, if he should so elect; and whilst he remains in the Province 
he shall receive decent lodgings for himself, his suite and family, and 
shall be protected as also his papers, goods and effects, which shall 
not be searched before nor at the time of his departure. 




Conunissioners will be named reciprocally to make an inventory 
of the Artillery, anunimitipn, supplies, and provisions in the ware- 
houses of H. B. M. in the different Forts and posts of the Province 
and these will deliver it to the Commandant General of the Spanish 




The officers of the Navy and of the garrisons in the Province 
who must remain in Pensacola to wind up their private affairs will be 
allowed to do so for such time as they may require. 


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Diary of Bernardo de Galvez 79 


The Province will remain to H. C. M. until the time that Their 
B. and C. Majesties determine its fate; in which time, Civilian of- 
ficials of the Navy and Army who remain, the Merchants and other 
inhabitants will not be obliged on any accoimt to take up arms against 
H. B. M. his allies or any other power, and imder no circumstances 
or pretext will suffer damages in their person, goods or effects on sea 
or on land at the hands of H. C. M. vassals they being protected as 
are the vassals of the King of Spain. 


The Province will remain for Spain, and the inhabitants will be 
treated in accordance with the Capitulation of Baton Rouge, with the 
extention of four months to enable thep to leave. 


The Judges and other Civil officials of the Government who do 
not remain to wind up their affairs, will also be transported to Great 
Britain or any other Government in North America they may select 
in well conditioned ships at the expense of H. C. M., with their families 
all their goods, effects and papers, and these will not be examined. 


Flags of truce will be granted for them to retire but at their 


To all Civilian Officials of the Navy and Army who remain for 
the purpose of arranging their affsurs after the ships destined for the 
transportation of others to Great Britain or any other place as is 
mentioned in the preceeding articles have left, as also to merchants 
and other persons whilst their presence is necessary in the Province, 
and also to those whose representatives have to absent themselves, 
and again to those who are absent themselves, their rights and privi- 
leges will be conserved and they will be maintained in the pacific 
and tranquil possession of their property and personal effects' mov- 
able or real, or of whatever other class they may be, and they will have 
the right to sell same at their pleasure as they would have done before 
now, and they may employ the proceeds thereof in what they esteem 
most advantageous to be transported at their cost with their families 
to whatever part of H. B. M. dominions they choose, in ships imder 
flags of truce, which will be provided for them with the necessary 

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passports for their safety, as also that of their families and goods 
against any harm that might befall them at the hands of the vassals 
of H. C. M. or his allies. 


Conceded for one year. 


The inhabitants, of whatever class they may be will not be 
compelled to give lodgings to the troops of H. C. M.; the conditions 
of the free negroes, mulatoes and octoroons will be respected. 


The inhabitants will furnish lodgings to the troops only when 
necessary, and not more; regarding the liberty of the negroes and 
mulatoes, conceded, provided General Campbell grants the liberty 
of a negro captured in the village. 


No restriction will be placed placed on the free exercise of reli- 
gion, as has been the practice heretofore. 


Conceded ior the period of one year until the King my Lord 


The negroes who have been hired out to work on the fortifica- 
tions will not be taken from their owners, but these will be entitled 
to keep them along with the rest of their property. 



The books, registers, and public papers in the Archives of the 
Government and in others will remain hi the care of the same Officials 
in whose charge they were; on no accoimt will it be permitted to 
withdraw them unless they have been lost or mislaid. 


All public docimients will be delivered to the person I shall 
designate; in case they are not useful for the Government of the Pro- 
vince they will be returned to the Civil authorities. 

Digitized by 


Diary of Bernqrdo de Galv^z 81 


The inhabitants and all other persons of whatever class these 
may be who may have taken arms in defense of the Province will 
under no circimistances be molested. 



Two covered wagons will be furnished that will ^o out with the 
troops and these will not be searched. 



All cattle and other provisions taken from the inhabitants of 
this Province for the subsistence of H. C. M. troops will be fully paid 
at prices established at the place they were taken. 


This article is useless inasmuch as no cattle or any other thing 
has been taken from the inhabitants. 


It will be permitted to the Governor and Commandant of the 
troops, if they so desire, to send advices of this Capitulation in ships 
under flags of truce, or by other means to the Governor of East 
Florida, Commander in Chief in North America or to Jamaica or 
Great Britain. 




All prisoners made by the arms of Spain since the 9th of March 
will be imited to the Garrisons of the Posts they must leave so as to 
be on the same footing stipulated in Article I; and all the Spaniards 
that have given their parole in Pensacola or who are now in custody 
of the English troops will be given their liberty, with the exception 
of those who have not fulfilled their parole. 


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82 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 


The negroes who from fright have fled from Pensacda during 
the seige, shall be returned to their owners. 


Conceded, should this incur any inconvenience their appraised 
value will be given. 


Lodgings will be provided for the troops and sailors until such a 
time as the vessels mentioned in the first article are available. 




Good faith will have to be observed in the full and entire execu- 
tion of this Capitulation, and should any question arise not provided 
for by the foregoing articles it will be declared under the understand- 
ing that the intention of the contracting parties is that the determi- 
nation most in accord with the dictates of humanity and generous 
thought will be taken. 



Fort George, March 9th, 1781— Peter Chester, John Campbell. 
Camp of Pensacola, May 9th, 1781 — ^Bernardo de Galvez. 

Additional Articles 


In case a few or many English soldiers and sailors who are now 
absent from their respective Corps and fugitives in the woods are 
taken by the troops of Spain, they will be considered as if part of the 
garrison, and if as such they are apprehended before the departure 
of the other troops, they will be permitted to join them, and if after, 
they will be included in the Hospital ship with the sick and woimded 
in accordance with Article III, so as to leave at the same time with 
the garrison. 


Conceded, unless they present themselves as deserters. 

Digitized by 


Diary of Bernardo de Gahez 



On no account whatsoever will the English soldiers and sailors 
be asked to take the service of Spain or her allies. Peter Chester, 
John Campbell. 


Conceded, but if they present themselves of their own accord, 
protection will be granted to them. — Bernardo de Galvez. 
Concurs with the original. — Bernardo de Galvez. 

Statement of the dead and wounded which the army under 
command of the Field Marshall D. Bernardo de Galvez, has sustained 
since its landing on the Island of Santa Rosa until the 8th of May 
that the City of Pensacola surrendered. 

Month of 

OFFICERS Dead of all 














The Colonel of the King D. Luis Rebolo, dead 




The Lieutenant of Soria D. Antonio Figueroa, 














The Commandant General Field Marshall D. Ber- 

mardo de Galvez, wounded. 
The Captain of Navarro d. Joseph Sammaniega, 








Sublieutenant of Hibemia D. Felipe 0-Reylli, 










The Sublieutenant of Guadalajara D. Francisco 
Castanon. wounded. 







The Sublieutenant of Louisiana D. Francisco 
Godeau, dead. 



















Digitized by 


84 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Carried forward 
Month of OFFICERS Dead of all Wounded 

May Qasses 

4th The Captain of Mallawca D. Salvado Rueca, 19 19 

The Sublieutenant of the same, D. Francisco 

Aragon, dead. 
The Lieutenant of Hibemia D. Timoteo O'Dali, 

The Captain of the same, D. Hugo O'Connor. 

The Lieutenant of Mallorca D. Juan Xaramillo, 
5th 2 12 

6th The Sergeant Major of Soria D. Joseph Urraca, 1 12 

The Engineer of Volunteers D. Gilverto Guilmar, 

The Captain of Aragon D. Mateo Arreda, wounded 
The Lieutenant of the same, D. Joseph Molina, 

The Lieutenant of Navarra D. Ramon Gracia, 

The Capitain of the permanent of Havana, C. 
Francisco Onoro, wounded. 
7th The Capitain of Navarra D. Bartolome de Vargas, 4 17 

The Sublieutenant of the King, D. Pascual 
Couget. wounded. 
8th The Sublieutenant of Hibemia, D. Tomas Fitz- 13 60 

morin, dead. 
The Sublieutenant of Soria, D. Juan Vigodet, 

Mr. D. Elpese and Mr. de Villeneuve, 1st and 2nd 

Capitains of the Regiment of Angenois, wounded. 

Total 74 198 

Pensacola. 12th of May, 1781. 
Joseph de Espeleta, A true copy of the original, 
Bernardo de Galvez. 

that have been found in the forts and Fortified City of Pensacola, 
besides the 4 mortars, 143 cannons, 6 howitzers and 40 swivel guns 
that General Don Bernardo de Galvez reports in his letter of the 
26th of May, published in the Gazette of the 7th of August, and of a 
considerable assortment of goods and supplies for the service of the 

Bombs and Royal grenades 1623 

Hand Grenades, loaded 1530 

Bullets of various calibres 8144 

Cartridges for cannons 3411 

Hundred weights oi powder 298 


Guns 2142 

Bayonets 1208 

Sabers •_ 120 

Cartridges (cases) 1072 

Belts 232 

Ball cartridges for guns 30712 

Flints _ 8000 

Hundred weights of bullets for guns 96 

Digitized by 



By Edmond Satichon, M. D. 

Professor Emeritus of Anatomy, Tulane School of Medicine 
H. F. A. C. S. 

New Orleans, Louisiana. 


Upon reflecting on the awakening of the scientific spirit in 
America within the last thirty years, it occurred to me that it would 
be very interesting to study the achievements made especially in the 
form of original contributions by America to Medical Sciences. 

In this study, I confined myself to the United States of America. 
America is barely more than a century old but in that century it 
has contributed more than any other single century of the Old World, 
barring the century of Pasteur and his followers; and yet, with 
transmissibility of puerperal fever, with anesthetics, general and 
local, gynecology, abdominal surgery, dentistry, eradication of yel- 
low fever and malarial fever, it follows closely in the trail of the 
Pasteur century. 

By original contribution is meant something new, that has not 
been done before by somebody else. 

In some instances it is difficult, from the description, to decide 
if the contribution has been made in America for the first time, or 
for the first time in the world. Doubtless a great number were made 
in America without any knowledge that they had been done before 
by somebody else, and that is quite creditable in itself. . 

To obtain information, I have sent out over six hundred circu- 
lar letters to as many men occupying prominent positions and who 
ought to know what has been done in the profession in this country. 

Through the courtesy of the Editor, the circular letter was 
published in the Journal of the American Medical Association. It 
required eight months to gather the data and write the paper. It was 
truly ai labor of love to bring together the workers of our country. 

The contributions of Louisiana are here described as a biblio- 

Digitized by 


86 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

graphic Study. In a previous paper read December 15, 1915, before 
the Louisiana Historical Society the subject was considered Mo- 
graphically, i. e. gave specially an account of the lives of the contri- 
butors, whereas in this bibliographic study it is specially their writ- 
ings and achievements that are described. 

All the contributors from Louisiana are from the City of New 
Orleans, except Dr. Prevost. 

DR. FRANCOIS PREVOST practiced in Donaldsonville. In 
1830 (?) he performed the first Cesarian Section in America. He 
operated four times successfully losing but one mother and operating 
twice on the same woman. His claim is well established in a paper 
published by Dr. Robert P. Harris qf Philadelphia, published in the 
New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, June, 1879, page 933. 

DR. DUBOURG, (New Orleans) was the first to perform 

vaginal hysterectomy in America, if not in the world. (Statement 
of Professor E. S. Lewis of Tulane.) 

Orleans) first removed gangrenous bowel in hernia, and sutured the 
ends successfully. 

DR. JOHN LEONARD RIDDELL, 1807-1865, (New Orleans) 
invented the binocular microscope. 

DR. WARREN STONE, 1808-1892, (New Orleans) was the 
first to resect a portion of rib to secure permanent drainage in cases 
of empyema. He was the first to apply a wire ligature to a human 
artery for aneurism. He applied it to the common iliac for an aneur- 
ism of the external iliac. He first cured a traimiatic aneurism of the 
second portion of the subclavian artery by digital compression. 
Priority is also claimed by Dr. Jonathan Knight of New Haven, Conn. 
Digital compression is undoubtedly an American procedure. 

DR. CHARLES JEAN PAGET, Sr., 1818-1884, (New Orleans) 
discovered the lack of correlation between the pulse and the tempera- 
ture in yellow fever. While the temperature goes up the pulse goes 
down or remains stationary. It is pathognomonic of yellow fever. 

leans) was the first to amputate both legs at the hip joint at one time 
in the same subject, the patient recovering. He was the first to write 
an Anatomy in which English names were substituted for the Latin 
names. He was the first to use strong injections of nitrate of silver 
for cytitis. 

His wife's devotion to his memory caused her to contribute 
magnificent buildings on Tulane Campus devoted to medical edu- 

Digitized by 


Original Contributions of Louisiana to Medical Science 87 

DR. H. D. SCHMIDT, 1823-1888, (New Orleans), demonstrated 
the origin of the bile ducts in the intercellular spaces. 

DR. COMPTON, (New Orleans), in 1853, was the first to 
excise both the radius and ulna. 

DR. ANDREW WOOD SMYTH, (New Orleans) was the first 
to cure a subclavian aneurism of the third portion. He first ligated 
simultaneously the innominate and the conmion carotid and later 
the vertebral artery. His ligation of the innominate artery is the 
first successful one in the world. His patient survived, whereas 
Dr. Mott's did. not. It is by ligating the vertebral artery on the ap- 
pearance of secondary haemorrhage in his case that he cured the 

DR. ALBERT BALDWIN MILES, 1852-1894, (New Orleans) 
was the first to use a loop ligature on the first portion of the sub- 
clavian artery while operating on an aneurism of the third portion. 

DR. JOSEPH JONES, 1833-1896, (New Orleans) discovered 
the plasmoditam of malarial fever before Laveran. (Statement of 
Professor Duval of Tulane.) 

DR. EDMOND SOUCHON, (New Orleans) devised a New 
Method to design colored charts for class demonstrations. The 
sketch is copied from a book with a pantograph and the shading is 
done by willow charcoal and black crayons. The coloring is done 
with pastels. The drawing is made on book paper, the back of which 
is painted with thin Damar varnish and turpentine which fixes the 
pastel and prevents its rubbing off. The paper is then pasted on 
large Bristol boards (30x40) and its surface is sized with thin gelatine 
and then varnished with thin damar. 

Preservation of Anatomic Dissections with permanent color of 
Muscles and Organs by two methods. The curing Method using 
arsenic, calcium chloride and formol. The Physical or Paint Method 
by which colorless muscles in a dissection are given permanent color 
by painting them with artist's paint or house paints. 

Founded Preservative Anatomy after the method described 

Founded Methodic Anatomy as evidenced in a plea for a Metho- 
dical Textbodc on Anatomy. A single and imiform guide is strictly 
followed in describing each and every organ, from the largest to the 

Fovmded Philosophic Anatomy as exemplified in the publica- 
tion of Philosophic Anatomy of the tongue, liver, lungs, kidneys. 
The peculiarities only of the organs are considered and it is endeavored 
to explain the reasons of things, the why and wherefore. 

Foimded Esthetic Anatomy by using systematically in teaching 

Digitized by 


88 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

four hundred large pastel colored charts and projectmg on the screen 
a complete series of three hundred colored lantern slides, the re- 
production of the atlases of Bonamy, and Beau and of Hirsfddt 
and Leveille. 

Founded the Souchon Museum of Anatomy at Tulane Universi- 
ty. It was so named by resolution of the Board of Administrators. It 
contains 350 dissections, large and small. They are all natural 
preparations. There are no dried, wax, or papier mache specimens* 
All the muscles and organs present permanent color. No other 
Museimi anywhere presents this feature. They are prepared after 
the Souchon Method of Preserving Anatomic Dissections. 

Surgical Collateral Branches of the Main Arteries. Each and 
every main artery presents a collateral branch which takes the place 
of the main artery when that artery has been Hgated. 

Embalming of Bodies for Teaching Purposes. The chemicals 
used are arsenic, fprniol, alchohol, glycerine, carbolic acid, and creo- 
sote. The OTiginality lies in the combinations selected, in \ht pro- 
portions of each and the result obtained in the color of the musd^. 

First Complete History of Aneurisms of the Arch of the Aorta. 

First Complete History of the Operative Treatment of Aneur- 
isms of the Third Portion of the Subclavian Artery. 

First and Only Dissection of a Subclavian Aneurism of the Third 
Portion of the Subclavian Artery, demonstrating the collateral cir- 
culation, after ligature of the main arteries. It took place through 
the amastomoses of the Aortic perforating interostals with the branch- 
es of the subscapular, in the substance of the great serrate muscle. 
The specimen is now in the Army Medical Museimi in Washington. 

First to advocate Simultaneous Ligation of the first portion of 
the subclavian and the vertebral artery without rupturing the coats 
for the cure of subclavian aneurism of the third portion. 

First to advocate the ligation of the axillary artery above the 
origin of the subscapular for the cure of recurrent aneurisms of the 
third portion of the subclavian. 

First Complete History of Double Aneurism of the same artery. 

First Complete History of the Operative Treatment of Irre- 
ducile Dislocations of the Shoulder Joint. Resection of the head is 
better and easier than reduction. 

Complete History of Drilling holes through the skull to explore 
with syringe and needle. 

First Complete History of Wounds of the Large Surgical Veins. 
When a large vein has been injured and ligated, if the collateral venous 
circulation is inadequate and gangrene is threatened, the main 
artery of the region must be ligated, but below the largest collateral 

Digitized by 


Original Contributions of Louisiana to Medical Science 89 

which will carry enough blood to nourish the parts beyond, while the 
ligation of the main tnmk will diminish the quantity of blood and 
equalize the arterial and the collateral venous circulation. 

First Complete History of the Treatment of Abcesses of the 
Liver by Aspiration. Small abcesses of not over one quart are often 
cured by a single aspiration. 

First to write a Complete History of the Surgical Diseases and 
Injuries of the Neck. Each region of the neck is considered separ- 
ately. The peculiarities only of diseases are considered. No generali- 
ties are mentioned. 

First to write a Methodic Description of a Surgical Disease. A 
single uniform plan or guide is adopted and is strictly followed in 
describing each and every surgical disease. 

Devised Souchon's Anesthetizer, an apparatus to inject anesthe- 
tic vapors in the lower pharyiix by a rubber tube introduced through 
the nose or the mouth. The apparatus is worked by one hand which 
presses a bulb and forces the vapor through the tube. Its originality, 
lies in its small size and simplicity. Other apparatuses used for this 
purpose are large, cltmisy and worked with the foot and bellows. 

Devised Speculum Holder for Sims duck bill speculum. An up- 
right with a line of nails is screwed to the side of the operating table. 
The outside end of the speculum is held by a loop of rubber with a 
string to it. The string is woimd around a nail on the upright, It 
is quite a help and relief to the assistant who has only to guide the 
inside speculum in the proper position. 

First Formal Plea for a Reform in Medical Education. 

First Formal Plea for a Reform in University Education. 

Wrote the first Formal Sanitary Code in America for the Louis- 
iana State Board of Health. 

Reminiscences of Dr. J. Marion Sims in Paris. 

Designed the Floor Plans of the Josephine Hutchinson Memorial 
School of Medicine of Tulane University. It is the largest and most 
elaborate under one roof medical college in America. 

First to write a formal History of the Original Contributions of 
America to Medical Sciences. 

DR. RUDOLPH MATAS, (New Orleans), "Drum snares," 
solid rings for end-to-end and lateral intestinal anastomosis. 

Method of securing circular constriction with fixation pins of the 
Auricle, to obtain hemostasis in operations for cavernous and other 
angiomas of the Auricle. Pins are inserted around the auricle and an 
elastic thread is wovmd around the pins. 

Easy method of securing hemostasis in bleeding injuries of the 
upper lip in hemophilic subjects. Arrest of hemorrahage by direct 

Digitized by 


90 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

elastic compression. An ordinary wide elastic band (stationers) is 
adjusted over the lip and fixed by threads to prevent slipping up or 

New Method of reducing and securing fixation of displaced 
fragment in zygomatic fractures. A long semilimar Hagedom 
needle threaded with silk is entered one inch above the middle of the 
displaced fragment, is passed well into the temporal fossa, and made 
to emerge one-half inch below the arch. The silk is used to pull the 
bone into position. A firm pad is applied externally and the wire is 
twisted over the pad. On the 9th or 10th day the wire, pad, etc. are 
removed permanently. 

Adaptation and modification of the Kraske method for cases of 
congenital inperforation of the anus. 

Modification of the Fell-0'Dwyer apparatus for direct intra- 
laryngeal insufflation (first effort to apply positive pressure in the 
surgery of the thorax in the United States) for anesthesia in over- 
coming surgical pneumothorax. 

A new graduated air pirnip for positive pressure in its applica- 
tion to medical and surgic^ practice. The Matas-Smyth pump. 

An adjustable metallic interdental splint for the treatment of 
fracture of the lower jaw. 

An apparatus for massive infiltration anesthesia with weak 
analgesic solutions. 

Original methods of Blocking the Nerves in Regional Anesthesia: 
(1) Original method of anesthesia of the forearm and hand by intra- 
neural and paraneural infiltration with cocain, novocain, and other 
succedanea, into the trunks of the musciilo-spiral, median and lUnar. 
This procedure secures complete analgesia of the forearm and hand, 
permitting amputations, resections, or any other operation. First 
case operated by this method, January, 1898. (2) Regional anesthesia 
of the territory supplied by second division of the trigeminus by 
blocking the nerve at its exit rotundum, by two routes: (a) By in- 
troducing the needle through the spheno-maxillary fissure into the 
spheno-palatine fossa and reaching the nerve and even the Gasserian 
ganglion through the foramen rutimdom. This route to the superior 
maxillary division of the Trigeminus was first applied by Dr. Matas 
in removing both upper maxillae for carcinoma, April 29, 1899. This 
route is now known as the "Payr route" in Germany, though its ap- 
plication has only recently obtained in Germany, (b) The inframa- 
lar route to the second and third division appeared also at the same 
time (1899) to block the second and third division of the Trigeminus 
for operations on the jaw, thus antedating Schlosser and now recog- 
nized as the "Matas Route" (see Braun, Lokal Anesthesia, ed. 2, 

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Original Contributions of Louisiana to Medical Science 91 

1913; also Haertel, loc. cit, 1913). Original account of these and 
other procedures described by Dr. Matas. See Phi. Med. Jo., Nov. 
3, 1900. 

Was also the first to apply spinal subarachnoid anesthesia for 
surgical purposes in the United States (Nov. 10, 1899) though Leonard 
Coming of New York had applied it for medical purposes in 1886, 
and had laid the foundation for the surgical procedure. A Bier, then 
of Kiel, Germany, first introduced and resorted to it for surgical 
purposes' in April, 1899 (see Phil. Med. Jo., Nov. 3, 1900). 

An operation for the radical cure of aneurism by endo-aneuris- 
morrhaphy with intrasaccular suture ("The Matas Operation"), 
first applied in March, 1888. In this, three different methods are 
described for the first time: (1) Obliterative; (2) Restorative; (3) 
Reconstructive Endo-aneurismorrhaphy. 225 operations by these 
methods were reported in August, 1913, to the 17th International 
Congress of Medicine, London. 

The flexible, flat, removable aluminum band for the occlusion of 
large surgical arteries (with Dr. Carroll W. Allen). **Matas-Allen 
Band." For testing the efficiency of the collateral circulation in the 
circle of Willis and other parts (a modification of the Halsted 

A method of testing the efficiency of the collateral circulation as 
a preliminary to the occlusion, of the great surgical arteries. Hy- 
peremia reaction or living color test, (used on the extremities): 
Complete ischaemia of the limb is obtained by elevation and appli- 
cation of an elastic bandage to the level of the lesion. Then a Matas 
compressor is applied to the proximal side and as near the aneurism 
as possible, until the aneurism is absolutely stilled, and is allowed 
to remain from six to ten minutes. Immediately on removal of the 
elastic bandage, the compressor being still in place, a hyperemic 
flush descends the limb rapidly. The digits retain a cadaveric, waxy 
lifeless palor for several seconds, which may be prolonged to ten to 
forty minutes or even longer, according to the development of the 
collaterals. If there is no collateral circulation, the limb will remain 

The second test is based on the premliinary occlusion of the main 
artery with the pliable and removable aluminum band, which can be 
removed in 56 hours without injury to the vessel in the event of 
manifestations of ischaemic phenomena; for example, hemiplegia, 
stupOT, and coma after the obliteration of the common carotid 

A method for reducing the calibre of the thoracic aorta by pli- 
cation or unfolding of its walls by means of lateral parietal suture 

Digitized by 


92 . The Louisiana I^istpricQl,QtMrterIy * . 

applied in one or more stages. (An experimental investigation with 
Dr. Carroll W. Allen.) 

Direct duodenal catheterization through the gall bladder and 
common duct for nutrient and medicinal purposes (an extension of 
McArthur's gall bladder drip). 

A simple expedient in treating complicated ifractures of the lower 
jaw in conditions forbidding the use of splints or intrabuccal pros- 
thesis (with Dr. L. Landry). Four or j5ve turns of a thin Esmarch 
bandage are taken arovmd the face and jaw from the bregma to the 
chin and vmder jaw; this is fixed by a bandage passed around the fore- 
head to prevent slipping. Immobilizes the fragments after reduction; 
assists materially in getting rid of swelling and edema. 

The prophylaxis of post-operative tetanus based upon proper 
dietetic measures, and upon contamination of the alimentary canal 
with Tetanus bacillus introduced in vmcooked vegetable foods. 

Dr. Matas has devised a special Rachitome which he uses with 
advantage in performing laminectomy for extensive spinal lesions. 
This is a simple but very strong chisel with a short powerful cutting, 
tooth prolonged into a long curved metallic handle. The chisel has 
enormous strength and leverage and can cut a continuous linear 
section through the laminae in a very short time without injury to 
the dura. 

Dr. Matas has also devised and uses with advantage a special 
long suture carrier which greatly facilitates tl^e tacking of the omen- 
tum or mesentery in making colonic or other visceral suspensions for 
prolapsed stomach, colon, etc. It permits of an extensive suturing 
of distanced displaced organs through a comparatively small median 
incision. In this way a colonic suspension may be made in the course 
of a pelvic operation through a siiort and low laparotomy incision 
with little additional traimia or intraperitoneal manipulation. 

In an exhaustive monograph on the surgical treatment of ano- 
rectal tmperforation (congenital) Dr. Matas laid special stress upon 
the advantages of the perineo-cocygeal route and described a pro- 
cedure which he first applied with decided success in a case of im- 
perforated anus with a high placed enteron. In this case the distended 
gut was brought down from a high position in the pelvis by a partial 
Kraske, which allowed it to be pulled down to the proctodeum or 
infundibulum, to which it was sutured by a lateral anastomosis. In 
this way the sphincter fibres of the anal region are preserved and a 
better chance of rectal control is obtained. 

Dr. Matas says that his effort to simplify the cure of aneurism by 
the principles involved in the modem treatment of aneurisms, and 
his insistance upon the security of studying the conditions of the 

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Original Cohntributiorts t>f Louisiana lo Medical Science 93 

collateral and peripheral circulations befot'e attempting the per- 
manent occlusion of the great surgical arteries; and by which the 
efficiency or inefficiency of the collateral circulation can be deter- 
mined, — are the contributions which he would prefer to have recog- 

to establish a Nose, Eye, Ear and Throat Hospital in the South, from 
the Atlantic to the Pacific and from St. Louis to the Gulf. 

DRS. F. W. PARHAM and E. D. MARTIN devised a new 
treatment for fractxires. It consists in a band that fits snugly around 
any tmevenness of the bones. Especially useful in the treatment of 
oblique fractures. 

DR. CHARLES WARREN DUVAL, (New Orleans), claims to 
be the first to obtain the bacillus of Leprosy in pure culture. Sub- 
cutaneous leprous nodules are removed imder sterile conditions, cut 
into small bits and planted aerobically on a mediimi of split protein 
products. After removal it is autolized by adding some proteoly- 
tic bacteriimi or allowing the tissue to slowly disintegrate imder 
sterile conditions at 37 C. for several weeks, then extracting the juice 
by Berkfeld filtration. 

Dr. Duval has discovered the causal agent of Infantile diarrhea 
or Summer Complaint and proved that it is a bacillus belonging to the 
dysentery group. 

duction of Pellagra in the Monkey by a Berkefeld filtrate derived 
from himian lesions. The filtrate was injected hypodermically. 

DR. MAURICE COURET, (New Orleans), demonstarted that 
the fish is the host of the bacillus of leprosy. The fish were inocu- 
lated simultaneously with a bacterial emulsion Of bacillus leprae. 
Fish were fed on himian leprosy nodules and the flesh of infected 
fish. All the bacilli multiplied in the fish and were harbored by them 
without apparent discomfort or outward evidence of the disease. 

JOHNS, (New Orleans), were the first to cultivate the Plasmosiiun 
of Malarial Fever. They showed that when blood with Plasmodium 
was heated to a certain temperature the Plasmodium continued to 
live for a certain time but would eventually die. By adding some 
dextrose the Plasmodium continued to live and multiplied. 

They have studied specially the influence of emetine and ipecac 
as a specific remedy against the protozoon of pyorrhea alveolaris, 
specially proper dose, best method of administration, duration of 
treatment and prevention of lapse or reinfection. 

DR. MARION SIMS SOUCHON, (New Orleans), was the first 

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94 The Louisiana HtsUnical Quarterly 

to remove a urinary calculus from the vesical pcMtion of the ureter 
through the perineal route. He was guided by the touch through the 
rectum and through the wound. 

DR. ROBERT CLYDE LYNCH, (New Orleans), claims to be 
the first to remove a tumor whole from the larynx. Also to be the 
first to have sutured a surgical wound in the interior of the larynx. 

MR. LLOYD ARNOLD, (New Orleans), is the first to demon- 
strate the occurrence in the human ovary of several ova in the same 
follicle. The work was done under the direction of Professor Irving 
Hardesty in the Laboratory of Anatomy at Tulane University. 

DR. CARROLL WOOLSEY ALLEN, (New Orleans,) is the 
first to publish the only thorough book on Local Anesthesia in the 
English language. 

DR. ANSEL MARION CAINE, (New Orleans), devised a 
warm ether apparatus, without using a flame. The apparatus con- 
sists of a bellows worked by foot pressure which vaporizes the ether. 
The vapor is driven through a coil of pipe enclosed in a metal recep- 
tacle containing acetate of soda. This receptacle is immersed in 
boiling water for fifteen minutes before using and the soda will retain 
the heat for several hours. The vapor driven through the heated 
coil is delivered warm to the patient. 

DR. HENRY DICKSON BRUNS, (New Orleans), was the 
first to devise a tucking operation for shortening any one of the 
straight muscles of the eye. 

DR. OSCAR DOWLING was the first in the Southwest to equip 
a Health Car for the Louisiana State Board of Health and with it to 
travel over the country to perform the true functions of a State 
Beard of Health, i. e. to teach the people how to preserve and improve 
their health. * ' 

DR. STANFORD CHAILLE JAMISON was the first to dis- 
cover that when the large splenic vessels were ligated, the spleen 
would not slough if it were covered by omentimi. 

THE STATE OF LOUISIANA is the first and only State to 
establish and maintain a Leprosarium (Leper's Home). 
Tulane University, St. Charles Avenue, 
New Orleans. 

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Charles Gayarre, our great Louisiana historian, did well in his 
intioductory words to the first volume of his History of Louisiana, 
when he entitled it ''The poetry or the romance of Louisiana.*' The 
legends and stories of nearly 300 years were under consideration and 
certainly nowhere in the western world could a greater amount of 
romance and legend be got together than from the records of our 
early history. 

While much romance attaches to the early days of the settle- 
ments on the Atlantic coast, to the Pilgrims in New England, the 
Dutch in New York, the Quakers and Germans in Pennsylvania, 
the Catholics in Maryland, the Cavaliers in Virginia and the Scotch- 
Irish of North Carolina, still we believe that we find much more 
romance in Colonial Louisiana. 

The French were endeavoring to build a new France on the 
St. Lawrence in lower and upper Canada. The French explorations 
of the great Lakes and their tributaries, of the upper Ohio and the 
settlements made by them at Fort Duquesne, now Pittsburgh, and 
also at Gallipolis, further down the Ohio, and also at Terre Haute 
and Vincennes on the Wabash and at St. Louis and many towns on 
the upper Mississippi, all contribute to this end. France, however, 
had already established a Louisiana colony in the lower end of the 
Mississippi River. When the English expelled the Acadians from 
Nova Scotia in 1755 these exiles proceeded towards Louisiana, 
finally. reaching their fellow countrymen and made settlements in 
Pointe Coupee, Avoyelles and in the Teche country. With these 
refugees from Nova Scotia there came later refugees from San Do- 
mingo and immigrants from the French West Indies. With the 
transfer of Louisiana to Spain in 1762 thousands of immigrants of 
high and low degree came from Spain and Spanish colonies to Lou- 
isiana. With the sale of Louisiana by Napoleon Bonaparte to Presi- 
dent Jefferson and its transfer from Spain to France and from France 
to Louisiana in 1803, the Louisiana territory in general and the 
island city of New Orleans in particular became the mecca of many 
venturesome Americans. At that time the McCall family of Phila- 
delphia were merchants in New Orleans and later the owners for a 

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96 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

century of the famous Evan Hall plantation and there were scores 
of other families equally prominent, the records of which we shall 
hope to incorporate in subsequent issues of the Louisiana Historical 

We have been interested in the history of the Pitot family and 
the Montegut family. Mr. Jjmies Pitot, the grandfather of Mr. 
Gustave Pitot, was the first mayor of New Orleans imder the American 
domination. Mr. Armand Pitot, the son of Mr. James Pitot, was 
one of Louisiana's most distinguished lawyers in 1860 and died some 
twenty-five years ago. 'Mr. Gustave Pitot is manager of the Savings 
Department of the Citizens' Bank of Louisiana, one of the oldest 
financial institutions. The ancestors of the Montegut family are 
represented in a large picture hanging in the Louisiana Historical 
Society's rooms in the Cabildo on the rear wall of the Sala Capi- 

The picture has been an heirloom in the Pitot family and was 
confided to the keeping of Mr. Gustave Pitot's mother who was a 
Montegut. At her death it was taken by Mr. Gustave Pitot and kept 
by him until transferred to the Louisiana Historical Society in whose 
hands he considers it better for the information of the Montegut 
family and others who might be interested in the old Louisiana 

We insert herein below a personal letter from Mr. G. Montegut 
of Houma, Louisiana, to Mr. Gustave Pitot of New Orleans which 
throws some light on the subject. 

HOUMA, LA., February 5, 1917. 
My dear Gus: 

I am glad you contemplate writing up the genealogy of our family. You will 
find it exceedingly interesting. Let me tell you what I know about them. 

Practically, the Creole families of Ix>uisiana all descend from the old French 
nobility. Before the Revolution, the great mass of the French people could procure 
no pass-ports, therefore could not emigrate. They had no family names. For in- 
stance, one was a baker named Pierre. He was known as Pierre le boulanger, which, 
later on, evolved into the Boulanger family. Another named Jean, lived at the foot 
of a bridge. He was known as Jean du pcmt, — ^whence evolved the Dupont family, 
&c. &c. ad infinitum. 

After the Revolution they flocked to America and Louisiana on account of the 
French language and Catholic religion was an attraction to them. Many went also 
to New York, Philadelphia. New Jersey and Delaware. Many of that class wctc 
descends^nts of Serfs who took the names of the Seigneurs, their masters. 

The old Cr^le families, due to their high sense of modesty and horror of any- 
thing pretentious, neglected their genealogies. Some of them associated with 
Royalty. Our grand uncle Jos. Rofignac; passing through Paris on his way to An- 
gouleme, was invited with his family, by the King of France, to a breakfast at the 

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Louisiana Families 97 

palace, and received from the Royal family, the expression of their high consideration 
for our family, whose hospitality the King enjoyed during his exile in Louisiana. 
The Monteguts are of Norman origin. At the invasion of Italy by the Normans, 
(in the 8th century, I think) many of them came to, and remained in Italy, and mixed 
with the latin blood. This accoimts for the blue eyes and blondes found in the north 
of Italy and nimierously in Sicily. Shakespeare was encouraged in his researches 
by the Venetiair authorities, and there found the data for his "Romeo and Juliet," 
representing respectively, the Montaigues and the Capulets. The name was also 
known in Italy as Monta-cute. 

From Italy some of them went to the south of France, which, Accounts for our 
family at Armagnac near Toulouse. In an edition of "Guide du Voyageur en France,'* 
we are informed that, ''dans le jardin d'une maison de campagne est le tombeau du 
roi Alphonse d'Aragon, tue a la bataille de Muret en 1214, dans le pare du chateau 
de Montegut-Segla, ou existe une source minerale qui opere une action sedative 
sur le systeme nerveur." This is on the road from Toulouse to Bayonne. 

Our great grand-father Dr. Jos. Montegut came to Louisiana about 1760 and 
married Francoise De Lisle Dupart, a Creole, whose parents were also natives. Her 
mother was Amoult, (DeLisle Amoult) and it is from the Amoults that we are re- 
lated to the Waggamans. One of the Duparts was burned at the stake, in the wars 
with the Natchez. The Duparts, De Lisle, Amoult, St. Amant and Waggamans, all 
related to us, were prominent colonists. 

I recall a day, many years ago, as I was walking leisurely on Canal street, I met 
my lamented friend, Henry Castellanos. After greeting me with his usual warmth, 
he said, "Gabe, I want to write up the Charity Hospital, can you give me any inter- 
esting data on the subject?" I answered, I knew very little about its early history. 
He said, "Ah, you Creoles, you are alike. Why, my dear friend, your great grand- 
father, Don Jose Montegut (so called in Spanish days) was the first resident physi- 
cian of the Charity Hospital." 

Our uncle Jos. Rofignac who, was Mayor of New Orleans four terms, from 1820 
to 1828, married his daughter. Uncle Edgard was Mayor of New Orleans in 1844, 
and clerk of the Criminal Court several terms. 

I took issue with Prof. Fortier some years ago when he wrote in his history of 
Louisiana that Etienne DeBore was the first American Mayor of New Orleans. I told 
him, he was not. That my great grand-father Jacques Pitpt, was the first American 
Mayor of New Orleans. That DeBore was the French Mayor, a "hold over" at the 
time of the cession, and that, when the municipal government of New Orleans was or- 
ganized under American auspices. Governor Claiborne appointed Jacques Pitot, 
Mayor, therefore the first American Mayor. He was subsequently Judge of the 
Probate Court, with a jurisdiction from the Balize to Baton Rouge. And your father, 
his son, was clerk of the Supreme Court. 

There is a good sprinkling of military blood in our veins. My maternal grand- 
father, your father's cousin, Alphonse Desmare, belonged to Napoleon's Guaid of 
Honor, and Napoleon selected them from the old families, la "vielle noblesse. " He left 
the military school in France at 18 years of age and followed the Eagles of France, from 
Wagram to Waterloo. Your maternal and my paternal grand-mother was Rose 
Gabrielle Nicolas de St. Cerran, a refugee from the negro insurrection of St. Domingo. 
Major Davezac, judge advocate of Jackson's army, was her cousin, and his sister 
married Edw. Livingston, who was also on Jackson's staff. Our uncle Remond 
Mont^^t, commanded an artillery Co. at the battle of New Orleans. Edw. Living- 
ston and his wife were my father's God Father and God Mother. 

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98 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

The Bourgeosie of France has evolved into a great element, a superior branch of 
human civilization and progress. Its importance commenced under Louis XIV. 
Previously it was only a germ. There existed no monopolies, but many fabricants, 
such as jewellers, verriers, shoe makers, bakeries, confectioneries, tailors, pemi- 
guiers, &c. 

Napoleon encouraged them, made them Kings and Marshals of France, and 
under the splendor of his military domination, they amalgamated extensively with the 
**old noblesse," of which many were converted from Royalists to Imperialists. 

Our honored and beloved cousin, Gustave LeGardeur, also Edgar Grima and 
his bright and amiable nephew* Alfred, may add much interesting data, relating to 
the Rofignacs, Neurice and Clanmagerant. 

The property on Royal street measur\ng 80 feet on Royal going to St. Anne, 
belonged to our great grand-mother's, and was allotted to the Rofignacs in the parti- 
tition. They resided there during the gayeties of the winter season, and returned 
to their plantation, adjoining the Marigny property, in the summer time. 

I desire to mention also that our grand-father (Montegut) established a sugar 
plantation in the Parish of Plaquemines and named it "St. Sophie," after our dear 
tante Sophie, our grand-mother's sister. There is a settlement and post office there 
now known as St. Sophie. I am pleased to mention this, to show that our family 
felt an interest in the sugar industry when in its infancy. Our grand-father died in 
1814, so you see, that is a long time ago. 

Referring to our Civil War our family was Confederate to the core, none more so. 
*The Orleans Guard Battery," conmianded by Gustave LeGardeur, represented 
the cream, the fine upper crust of the Creole society of New Orleans, and no command 
behaved with more courage and valor. 

Ton ami de coeur, 


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By Everett S. Brown 

The form of government provided for Orleans Territory by the 
Breckinridge Act of March 26, 1804, was a great disappointment 
to the inhabitants of the territory i. They had expected a larger 
share of self-government than that granted to them. Governor 
Claiborne reported that the prohibition of the importation of slaves 
into Louisiana from outside the United States had caused great 
agitation. The people considered it a serious blow at the commercial 
and agricultural interests of the province. The importation of 
foreign slaves into South Carolina served to increase discontent, 
for the inhabitants of Orleans Territory generally could not be made 
to understand the power of the state authorities with regard to the 
importation of such persons^. A mass meeting was held to protest 
to Congress on the question of the»slave-trade, commercial restric- 
tions, and government in general, and a committee was appointed 
to draw up a memorial^. 

In due time the memorial was put into circulation. Governor 
Claiborne, after seeing one sheet of the original, stated it to be in 
the handwriting of Edward Livingston. He did not doubt that all 
of it had been written by Livingston, with the aid of Daniel Clark 
and Evan Jones^. If Claiborne's information is correct, there were 
not many people present at the meeting held for the drawing-up of 
the memorial. The meeting at which it was adopted was much 
more largely attended, however. The memorial was afterwards 
carried through the territory and Claiborne says that many signed 
without reading it, while others did so with no understanding of its 
contents. The names of others were affixed without their seeing it. 
Some of the Loui^anians thought their grievances were real, others 
were made to think so. Claiborne's opinion was that few were really 
interested in the fate of the memorial except as it related to the African 

1— For the act see Statutes at Largt, II, 283. 

2— Claibome to Madison, March 10, 1804, Claiboriu*s CoTTtspondenee relatite to Louisiana, VoL I, 
(Bureau of Rolls and Library of the State Department, Washington, D. C.) 

3— Claibome to Madison, March 16, 1804, Ibid. The committee was composed of Jones, Living- 
tton, Pitot and Petit. 

4— Qaibome to Madison, July 13, 1804, (Private). Madison MSS., XXVI (Librarv of Congress). 
Abo, Claibome to Madison, July 26, 1804, Claiborne's Correspondence relatiee to Louisiana, Vol, II, 

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100 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

slave-trade. He did not expect any disturbance if the memorial 
were denied*. 

The memorial to Congress having been duly circulated and the 
names attached, three agents were selected to bear it to Washington. 
They were Messrs. Pierre Derbigny, Jean Noel Destrfehan and Pierre 
Sauv6. Claiborne considered Derbigny **a man of good information, 
and I believe of strict integrity; pleased with the principles of our 
Government but much attached with his native country" (France). 
Destr^an he characterized as **a Frenchman in politics and aflfec- 
tion," ''one of the tools of M. Laussat and greatly mortified at the 
cession of Loxiisiana to the United States." Destrfehan would en- 
deavor to be the most prominent man in the mission. Sauv6 was 
"an able good man, a wealthy planter imiversally esteemed by his 
neighbors and will be a good citizen under our Government; but I 
fear he will take little part in the agency." All were warm advocates 
of the slave-trade^. 

An interesting picture of the memorialists in Washington, never 
before printed, is given by Senator William Plumer of New Hamp- 
shire, who, with Senator Pickering of Massachusetts and others, 
entertained them at dinner. Plumer describes them as follows: 

They are all Frenchmen — the two first (Derbigny and 
Sauve) speak our language fluently. They are all gentlemen 
of the first respectability in that country. Men of talents, 
literature and general information — men of business, and 
acquainted with the world. I was much gratified with their 
company — they had little of French frippery about them. 
They resemble New England men more than the Virginians. 

Sauv6 is the eldest — he has lived in that country 21 years. 
He was a merchant, but is now a planter. He had this year 
150 acres of sugar cane. He has a wife and four children. 

Destrehan is a native of that place but was educated in 
Paris. He can speak very little of our language. He has a 
wife and six or eight children. He has a fine promising son 
who has accompanied him hither. He was a merchant, but 
is now a planter, and has this year 2(X) acres of sugar cane. 
He says it will take 60 negroes to manage it and that his 
ground generally produces on an average by the acre one 
hogshead of sugar weighing 12(X) poimds and a hogshead of 

Derbigny is the youngest. He has lived in that coimtry 
fourteen years, and has a family. He is a man of Science — of 
real talents and very general information for his age. He is 
very shrewd — converses with ease and great propriety. 

5— Claiborne to Jefferson, October 27, 1804, JeJSerson MSS., Letters received at Washington, 2nd 
Series, XXIX; also Claiborne to Madison. November 5, 1804 (Private), Madison MSS., XXVl. 

6— Claibome to Madison. July 13. 1804 (Private). Madison MSS., XXVI. 

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New Orleans Territory Memorialists to Congress 101 

They complain in decent but firm language of the gov- 
ernment that Congress established over them at tJie last 
session. They say nothing will satisfy that people but an 
elective government. That under the Spanish government 
they paid only six per cent duty upon their imports and ex- 
ports; and the whole charge of their religion and government 
was then supported by Ae Crown. That the duties they 
now paid are greater than what they then paid, and are 
themselves beside obliged to support their religion and internal 
government. So that they now pay more money for public 
uses than when they were subjects of a royal government, 
and enjoy less real liberty. That Claiborne, their present 
governor, is imable to speak a word of French, the language 
that is most generally used in that coimtry. That the pro- 
ceedings in the courts of law are in a langiiage that most of 
the people do not imderstand, that they have in many instances 
been convicted of breeches of laws the existence of which 
they were ignorant. That Claiborne is incompetent to dis- 
diarge the duties of Government. 

That the President had selected some very respectable 
men whom he has appointed members of the L^slative 
Coimcil. That out of these all except three have positively 
declined the appointments. That no man who wishes to en- 
joy the friendship and esteem of the people of that coimtry 
can accept of an office imder the existing system of govern- 

They say that they have visited Mr. Jefferson — that he has 
not made any enquiries of them relative either to their govern- 
ment, or the civil or natural history of their country. That 
he studiously avoided conversing with them upon every sub- 
ject that had relation to their mission here. 

They say that the city of New Orleans is situated on the 
banks of the Mississippi — that those banks are froni one 
hundred to 120 feet deep, and that a considerable part of the 
city is in danger of being imdermined by the stream — the 
land being sandy. That it will require immense expense to 
secure the town — ^that they must either sink rafts covered 
with rocks on the bank next to the city, or cut down the 
bank on the opposite side of the river. That the coimtry 
aroimd the city and for a very considerable distance up the river 
is very good land for the width, on an average, of three quarters 
of a mile from. the nver — ^that beyond that distance from the 
river much of the land is a sunken swamp. That there is in 
•the Country a considerable of good upland. That they speak, 
in common language, of mensuration by the acre, not by the 
mile — ^that is by the square side of the acre^. 

J---^V111iam Plumer. "Memorandum of the Proceedings of Congress," December 15, 1804. For 
\|}f]^J|^ mformation concerning the journal kept b^ Senator Plumer see my introduction to The SencU 
5^^< on Breckinridge Bill for the Government oj Louisiana, 1804, in American Historical Review, 
XXII. 341 Uanuary, 1917). 

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102 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

The memorial was presented to the Senate on December 31, 
1804, by Giles of Virginia^. Both houses of Congress took action 
and a bill much more liberal in its provisions than the Breckinridge 
Bill of 1804 was rushed through in the closing hours of the session 
and was approved by the President on March 2, 1805®. 

Upon their return home, Derbigny, Destrfehan and Sauve re- 
ported, May 2, 1805, on their experience in Washington. They ad- 
mitted failure to obtain all they had asked for, and objected to the 
arbitrary setting of the number of inhabitants required for state- 
hood at sixty thousand; this, however, though arbitrary, was not 
irrevocable. The right to initiate laws had been gained. Although 
the Senate was opposed, the House had been willing to grant milimit 
ed right of self-government, an encouraging sign^^. 

Derbigny, Destr6han and Sauve had not made their journey in 
vain, for although it Was to be several years before Orleans Territory 
entered the Union as a State, the memorialists had obtained a prom- 
ise of such an admission upon the fullfilment of certain definite con- 
ditions. In the meantime, the inhabitants were allowed more of a 
voice in their own political affairs than formerly. 

8 — ^For the full text of the memorial, see Anuriean State Papers, Miscellaneous, I, 396-399; Annals 
cj Congress, 8 Cong., 2 Sees. (1804-1805), Appendix, 1597-1606. 

&— Text of the act in Lews of the United States, III, 648-650. 
10— -Louisiana Gautte, June 11, 1805, (Translated from the Moniteur.) 

University of California, 
Department of History, 
Berkeley, California. 
March 9, 1917. 

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Abstracts of French and Spanish Documents Concerning the 

Early History of Louisiana. 


Delauze. Debts and Last Will, Oct. 17, 1717. Marine Regi- 

mental Captain de Lauze, retired from Poitou 
Regiment, gives instructions to Mr. Hubert, Direc- 
tor for Louisiana Royal Councillor and Commis- 
sary, concerning his debts and simdry bequests. 
Among the latter he gives a pot of butter to the 
Jesuit Fathers. Any residue credit shall be for- 
warded to his sister near St. Pierre, at Limoges, 
He would exchange swords with Mr. de Mandeville. 
(In 1712 Loxiisiana had been made over by charter 
to Antoine Crozat a capitalist and favourite at the 
Court of France. Bienville had previously (1710) 
superseded as Governor by La Mothe Cadillac. 
Francois Philippe de Marigny afterwards Chevalier 
of St. Louis, was one of the pioneer settlers of 
Louisiana. His family figured in the history of the 
colony imtil its cession to the United States.) 

Promissory Note. "Lille" (Isle.Dauphme), Feb. 7, 1714. Under- 
signed Poulousat acknowledged as an emergency 
loan from Captain DeLauze, 136 francs and prom- 
ises to pay the same or have his father or mother 
do so in March next. (Owing to scarcity of food 
Bienville in 1711 had removed his garrison from 
Fort Louis de la Mobile to Dauphine Island.) 

De Lauze Estate. Copy of inventory of estate and sale, Oct. 26, 
1717. Word of Captain de Lauze's death was received 
by Major de Gauvrit who directed the sealing of goods 
and presided at the inventory, at 1 a. m., October 26, 
1717. It appears in course of the proceedings that 
Mr. Hubert declined to serve as executor. Captain 
De Lauze was conmiissioned for service in Louisiana 
June 29, 1716. Sale proceedings conducted on 
November 3, 1717, and completed November 
4th. Total realized 2577 francs. Placed with Major 
Gauvrit, executor. 
Copied at N. O., July 2, 1725. 
Copying fee and papers, 4 piastres. 

De Lauze Estate. Post, October 17, 1717. La Croix, drummer, ac- 
knowledges item of 15 francs for having beaten the 

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104 The Louisiana Historical Qmrierly 

drum at the auction of the late Captain De Lauze's 
goods. **0n which I have received ten francs: I 
am due five francs." (Sale occurred on November 
3rd and 4th, 1717. 175 pp. 11, 19.) 

De Lauze. Memorandum of Account. De Lauze to Roger, 1717. 
Itemized list of Mr. De Lauze's debts to Mr. Roger; 
first entry May 10, 1717. Items include olive oil, 
candles, dry goods, ammunition, flour, household 
sundries. Total bill 1688 francs. Certified by Mr. 
Duval, New Orleans, Sept. 4, 1725. 

De Lauze Estate Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Nov. 4, 1717. Pierre 
Roy to Major Gauvnt for seven francs and four 
sous, bequeathed by the late De Lauze. 

De Lauze Estate. Memorandum of Account. Isle Dauphine, Dec. 
3, 1718. Itemized lists of charges against Messrs. 
De Lauze & Gauvrit "for what they obtained in the 
store of Monsieur Crozat" (Glassware, flour, can- 
dles, soap, nails, brandy, salt, linen). Total bill 
191 francs. Certified and receipted by Roger, guard 
of Loxiisiana Company's stores 

De Lauze Estate Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Dec. 12, 1718. Under- 
signed Des Brosses to Mr. Goverit 56 francs by way 
of inventory fees, on account of De Lauze estate. 

De Lauze Estate Receipt. Post, Oct. 17, 1717. Undersigned F. 
Le Maire, Apostolic Missionary Priest, acknowl- 
edges receipt of 66 francs for burial services and 
Mass fees on account of Infantry Captain De Lauze, 
from Mr. Gauverit. Note by the latter stating 
that Monsieur L. Maire owes nothing. Reverse 
data show that Monsieur Le Maire bought four 
pounds of pepper, a book, salt cellars and two oil 
cruets at the sale of De Lauze's goods; total bill 
being 18 francs. 
(F. Le Maire, **a virtuous priest who resigned a good 
position at Paris . . to come to America to announce 
the gospel to the Indians, .for several years in the 
mission in Louisiana, .acted as chaplain to the fort 
in Mobile." The Catholic church in colonial days.) 

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Dec. 24, 1717. La 
Chevaliere to Major Gauvrit, three piastres for bill 
of washing rendered before and after death of 
Captain De Lauze. 

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Feb. 10, 1718. La 
Douceur, signing for Bellegrade "Not knowing to 
write," three piastres to Major Gouvery, on ac- 
count of what is due him for baking three barrels of 
flour in the service of Messrs. de Gouvery & De 

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Abstracts from Old Papers 105 

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, March 10, 1718. Un- 
dersigned Le Beau to Major Gauvrit three piastres 
for having shaved Monsieur de Lauze during four 

De Lauze Estate. Letter of Plaisance to Mr. Hubert. Isle Dau- 
phine, April 8, 1718. Written for Louis de La Force, 
alias Plaisance, by Mr. Raguet. 

Plaisance was enlisted in the company commanded 
by Captain De Lauze, and claims arrears of pay. 
Letter addressed to Monsieur Hubert, King's 
Councillor Commissary Director of the Province of 

Subjoined order signed Hubert, authorizing due pay- 
ment from De Lauze estate funds. 

De Lauze Estate. Executor's Statement. Post, Oct. 26, 1717. 
Memorandimi of account. De Lauze Estate. 
Itemized statement by Executor Mr. De Gauvrit, 
of the late Captain De Lauze's company debts; 
total 511 francs. There follows a lumped charge of 
1688 francs, making aggregate accoimts 2199. 
(Possibly the list may prove useful as early cata- 
logue of names in Louisiana settlements.) 

De Lauze Estate. Money order. Nov. 1717. Undersigned Pierre 
Girard asks Mr. De Gauvrit to pay Monsieur de 
Montigny the simi of 20 francs and 10 sous from 
De Lauze fimds. (Year perforated, but 1717 an- 
swers to general situation.) 

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Nov. 18, 1717. Un- 
dersigned Lindeau to Mr. De Gauvrit, 27 francs for 
12 fowls furnished to the late M. De Laiize during 
his illness. 

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, Dec. 17, 1717. Un- 
dersigned Paquie to Major Gauvrit two piastres 
for making over a mattress which Madame Biazos 
lent to late Captain De Lauze. 

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, April 14, 1718. Sieur 
Thomas, to Mr. De Gauvrit, 7 francs and 4 sous 
for serving two days as witness of De Lauze's In- 

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Mobile, May 6, 1718. Undersigned 
Loyard, "of the Company of Jesus," eight francs 
from Mr. Gauvrit due from De Laiize Estate. 

De Lauze Estate. Receipt. Isle Dauphine, April 24, 1718. Un- 
dersigned Bovest to Mr. De *'Goury" ten francs on 
behaB of (late) Captain De Lauze. Receipted in 
full discharge. 

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106 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

De Lauze Estate. Fort Loxiis, August 9, 1718. Undersigned Que- 
not to M. De Gauvrit seven francs for goods de- 
livered to late "Mr." De Lauze. This receipt shall 
also cover a larger debt. 

De Lauze Estate. Isle Dauphine, Nov. 20, 1718. Tourangeau, 
valet of late Captain De Lauze, to M. Gauvrit 100 
francs by way of bequest in late Captain's will. 

De Lauze Estate. Power of Attorney. Limoges, Sept. 8, 1722. 
Demoiselle Leonarde De Lauze, wife of Sieur Bal- 
thazar Vaureix, to M. Joseph Sulpice Le Blond de 
Latour, for collecting her inheritance, as bequeathed 
by her deceased brother, Joseph De Lauze, from 
Monsieur de Gauvrit, **Captain of Marine Detach- 
ment at New Orleans in the 'Miscipi' Province 

Cattle Dispute Settled Amicably. Mobile, January 16, 1720. 
Dominique Belsaguy, guardian of La Loire wards 
together with Surgeon Major Manades, husband of 
a daughter of La Loire anci Claude Jousset La Loire 
son of late La Loire, make friendly settlement with 
Messrs. Gauvrit & Zacharie Drapeau with regard 
to two cows that had been killed. M. Belsaguy will 
pay 20 piastres in specie to each of the contestants. 
Signatures: P. Manades, Souses, Drapeau, Raguet. 
(Belsaguy could not write.) 

Court Martial Sentence. New Orleans, Feb. 23, 1720. Prisoner 
Jean Baptiste Pochet of De Gauvrit's company is 
convicted of robbery and sentenced to be whipped 
by a negro three days and to serve three years as 
convict. His clothes shall be confiscated, subject to 
abatement of 50 francs fine. Thomas Bachu alias 
La Rose is discharged and freed for want of evidence 
against him. Signatures: Portier, Sevigny, De- 
coublant, Namere, Chevalier, Dupuy, De Beau- 

Sale of Property. New Orleans, Mar. 1, 1721. Francois Duyand, 
chief clerk of Company of Indies at Mobile (just 
now at N. O.) conveys a staked lot with timber 
buildings along the Mississippi road, to Francois 
Duval guard of Company stores at N. O. for 1200 
francs cash, one room with a fire place, adjoining 
kitchen and store room. A good garden fronting 
on the Mississippi. Witnessed by P. Auber, Dar- 
bonne, Rossard. 

Contract of Hired Servant. Fort St. Louis, Nov. 28, 1719. Fran- 
cois Hup6 agrees to serve M. Franconis for one year 
from date in consideration of 100 francs (in advance) 
if need be), plus board in the French manner, four 

Digitized by 


Abstracts from Old Papers 107 

shirts and lodgment. Engagement may cease after 
six months if either party s6 choose; payment then 
in proportion. Signatures also include Rochon, 
Deschanel, Raguet. 
(In 1717 Crozat was relieved of his charter and Lou- 
isiana by another charter was made over to the 
Company of the West and of the Indies, presided 
over by John Law. In 1718, Bienville was rein- 
stated as Governor. Owing to his exertions his 
scheme of founding a city on the bank of the 
Mississippi was accomplished in 1718, when he 
with a corps of engineers under de la Tour, laid out 
New Orleans on the spot he had chosen years before 
It was made the capital of the Province. 

Grant of Land. Petition for grant of land, N. O., May 26, 1721. 
Undersigned Le Blanc beseeches the Directors 
General of Louisiana to cede to him a lot of groimd 
adjoining the property of M. Dupuy, on the Mis- 
sissippi and beyond the property of M. Caustillos. 
M. Le Blanc is custodian of stores at Nfew Orleans 
and means to cultivate the grant assiduously. 
Conceded 12 acres of the desired territory June 19, 
1721. Signed Bienville, Biloxi. Registered, April 
9, 1723. 
(Monseigneur le Blanc, Secretary of State, according to 
Martin, figured on the census table of the province 
for 1722, as owner of three important concessions, 
in the vicinity of New Orleans; one at the Tchoupi- 
toulas three leagues above the City; one at two 
leagues above the City; and one seven leagues be- 
low the City at the Chouachas.) 

Arbitration Verdict Accepted. N. O., July 30, 1722. Messrs. 
Guenot de Trefontaine and Jean Baptiste Massy 
acting too for their former partner Pierre Guenot 
and also M. Pierre Ceard, director on behalf of a 
certain Ste Renne grant belonging to Messrs. Lioly 
& Co., ratify ^an arbitration sentence reached by 
Messrs. DuBuisson & Treboul on July 29, witnessed 
by Duflos, Huer, and Rossard, Notary. 
(The Ste Renne grant imder the Louisiana charter, 
was at the Tumcas, a site on the Mississippi above 
Baton Rouge.) 

Criminal Trial. Nov. 17, 1722. Examination of one Laborde on 
charge of assassinating one Pontuel. Answers that 
he shot Pontuel to avoid being shot by the latter, 
already aiming. Hearing conducted by Councillor 

Receipt Fort St. Louis, March 3, 1722. Masclary has re- 

ceived of the Abbe d'Arquevaud the sum of 330 

Digitized by 


108 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

francs in notes full payment of a negro (male) 
child; the same being ceded to him by M. Du 
Vergier. Collated at New Orleans, October 8, 1727. 
Receipted on behalf of M. St. Martin, absent. 

Will. Will of Abbe d'Arquevaux, Yazoo Post, August 11, 

1722. Drawn up before Jean Claude Juif, Chaplain 
at the Yazoo Post. Principal legatee Madame 
Veuve Millon because of her good care of him. 
Other provisos in case of her departure for France, 
bequests to sundry other persons. Executor 
Chaplain Juif. Desires to be buried in front of 
Yazoo Fort, near the cross and also near the grave 
of former local commander, M. Bizard. 

Witnessed under date of August 15, 1722. Filed at 
N. O., May 28, 1723, by M. Desfontaine, then 
director of the LeBlanc grant. 

Attorney General vs. Pasquier, Feb. 11, 1722. De- 
cision contingent on examination of Sieur Malon 
before M. Fazende, regarding motives of seizure in 
question. Costs reserved. Signed: Bienville, 
Brusle, Fazende, Perry. Erroneous marginal date, 

Will Confirmed. N. O., Feb. 22, 1723. In suit between Francois 
Trudeau, guardian of Jeanne Dardenne, the legatee 
of her uncle Louis Burel and Claude Lepannier, 
her \mcle and surrogate guardian the Council con- 
firms the will of deceased Louis Burel. Agreeably 
to its provisos 1000 francs shall be applial to the 
support of testator's daughter. Heard before 
Councillor Antpine Brusle. Costs divided. 

Criminal Trial. N. O., Dec. 23, 1722. Further hearing of Laborde. 
He relates past conflict with Pontuel and repeats 
the motive of self defense. Hearing conducted by 
Councillor Amould Bonnaud. 

Petition. N. O., March 23; April 3, 1723. Undersigned LeBlanc 
observing that M. Duvergier has duly surveyed his 
land and M. Dupuy's, whose bounds are blaced, 
beseeches the Commander and the Director ueneral 
of the Province to verify these landmarks in order 
to avoid future disputes. Council ratifies bounds 
marked by M. Duvergier, at N. O., April 3, 1723. 
Signatures of Bienville and other Coimcillors. 

Lease of Estate for Farming. N. O., May 14, 1723. Francois 
Trudeau, guardian of Jeanne Dardenne reports 
that he has assembled her kindred and friends 
(duly named) with reference to farming some land 
of hers along the Mississippi, including negroes and 
horses, and that the lease has been formally award- 

Digitized by 


Abstracts from Old Papers 109 

ed to Jean Laprade for three years. Two-thirds of 
the profits shall accrue to Jeanne. 

Pedtion for Building Site. April 3, 1723. Pierre Mousel, Com- 
pany carpenter asks for a lot on which to build a 
house. **He will pray God for your healths and 
prosperities." Council allows him site 208 and 
refers him to M. De Boispinel, Royal Engineer, 
for boundary details. House must stand on line 
with street; lot shall be cleared and fenced with 
stakes and stumps cut away as far as half the 
width of street within three months. Signatures of 
Bienville, LeBlond de la Tour, and Estienne. 
Mouzel sold the same lot to Joseph de Comet, June 
30, 1723. Registered Pec. 29, 1723. 

Criminal Trial. N. O., May 20, 1723. Marie Simon Lespronne 
aged 12, native of Caux, is examined on charge of 
"wholesale" theft of linen goods. She answers that 
she stole in obedience to her stepmother, wife of a 
brewer Yans (Jans). Case continued and other 
parties to be heard. (Court instructions nearly 

Criminal Trial. N. O., May 22, 1723. Examination of Madame 
Jans, stepmother of Marie Simon Lespronne, 
formerly resident of Biloxi. Disclaims complicity 
in all its phases. 

Criminal Trial Adjourned. N. O., May 21, 1723. Seeing that 
Madame Jans is now nursing an infant, the ap- 
pointed hearing of the parties supposed to be con- 
cerned in larcenies charged to Marie Simon Les- 
pronne is postponed. 

Criminal Trial. (Larceny case.) N. O., May 22, 1723. Examin- 
ation of Marie Rousseau, wife of Georges Ram'ond, 
steward and indigo planter of Monsieur de Bien- 
ville; also coppersmith by trade. Disclaims knowl- 
edge and all complicity as regards larcenies charged 
to Marie Simon Lespronne. 

Cattle Plunder Reported. N. O., May 24, 1723. M. Antoine 
Rivard alias La Vigne, of Bayou St. Jean, Lodges 
complaint on account of two runaway Indians be- 
longing to M. Coustillas. They have been killing 
and eating a rnmiber of cattle in the vicinity of said 
Bayou Chaptoulas, and other surrounding parts 
these five months past, in decided prejudice to the 
colonial establishment. 

Procedure Moved. N. O., May 22, 1723. Attorney General 
Fleuriaux moves inquiry in regard to nocturnal 
robbery on the premises of Mr. Gaspard. 

Digitized by 


1 10 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Testimony Ordered. N. O., May 24, 1723. Councillor Brusle 
provides for hearing of witnesses in accord with 
motion made by the Attorney General. 

Criminal Procedure. May, 25, 1723. Examination of witnesses 
in connection with nocturnal robbery at Mr. 
Gaspard's. The stolen goods were foimd in a boat 
of Mr. I^garde's and the negro in charge of it (Mr. 
Ribieux, being master of same) professes to have 
received the goods from a negro of the Company. 

Criminal Procedure. N. O., May 28, 1723. Chief Warehouse 
Guard Armand Bonnaud asks the Superior Council 
to institute inquiry over a complaint which he filed 
in the recorder's office "today." 

Criminal Procedure. N. O., May 28, 1723. Mr. Bonnaud lodges 
complaint against one Le Roux for violating the 
decrees against wanton shooting of cattle. The 
accused shot a cow of Mr. Bonnaud's, and the loss 
is both personal and public; public, as demoralizing 
the Colony's order. 

Criminal Procedure. N. O., May 29, 1723. Inquiry conducted 
before Commander General Monsieur de Bienville, 
President of Superior Coimcil, in response to com- 
plaint of Mr. Bonnaud. First witness Francois 
Trudeau, aged 8 or 9 years, had gone for black- 
berries in the Bayou quarter, on the feast of Corpus 
Christi. Perceived an unknown man shoot at a 
black and white cow. Further testimony to like 
effect. Signature of Bienville. 

Memorandum of Goods. N. O., June 7, 1723. Mr. Gerard Pel- 
lerin, guard of Company stores at N. O. makes 
formal declaration concerning a consignment of 
goods in his charge; the same being seized from 
estate of Mr. KoUy, contents included wine, flour, 
brandy and other articles belonging to said estate. 
(The KoUy concession by the Company of the West 
was at the "Tchoupitoulas" three miles above 

Petition for Legal Action. July 14, 1723. Joseph Chapron be- 
seeches permission to inform against certain par- 
in connection with burglary at his house. 

Summons of Witnesses. July 14, 1723. Sheriff Charles de la 
Moriniere, serves notice on Messrs Barre, Dupuy, 
Aubachon and Cemay (elsewhere given Remond, 
Brosse, alias Cemay) to appear on the morrow at 
8 a. m. in the Council chamber, concerning the 
charges lodged by Chapron. 

Digitized by 


Abstracts from Old Papers 111 

Letter on Foiled Plot. July 29, 1723. Commander de Loubois 
writes to Monsieur de Bienville concerning the time- 
ly discovered plot of Caron and others. The ring- 
leaders are sent under guard to N. O. Not all the 
plotters have been seized, as there are no prison 
quarters to hold them. 

(M. de Loubois, Chev. of St. Louis, was commandant 
at Fort Louis, Biloxi. His garrison, as the other 
posts in Louisiana, suffered from desertion of soldiers 
to the Engli^.) 

Financial Motion. N. O., July 12, 1723. Mr. Bru, Colonial cash- 
ier, has issued sight bonds to accommodate bor- 
rowers. Most of these have been slow to negotiate 
the bonds at the treasury, whether in mercantile 
notes or in copper. Others are circulating the bonds 
on the market. Let the Coimcil correct such irre- 
gularity by requiring the bonds to be turned in for 
equivalent in trade notes or in copper coin. The 
bonds were issued on Sept. 1, 1722 subject to 
presentation six or eight days later. The Cashier 
wishes to balance his accounts in August. 

Robbery Reported. July 13, 1723. Joseph Chapron lodges com- 
plaint over the robbery of specified goods and 
money at his plantation on past May 28 or 29. 
Cash included 40 francs in copper. He has lighted 
on a trail of the stolen property and requests investi- 
gation. Presumed culprit LeRoy, a locksmith and 
his wife, a negress. 
(Evidently a slander. Marriage between whites and 
negroes was not sanctioned by the church, nor per- 
mitted by the government in Loxiisiana.) 

Marine Abduction. Foiled. Biloxi, (Fort Louis), July 29, 1723. 
Examination of Guillaimie Guiton in regard to a 
reported plot of one Caron and others to make off 
with long boat Ste. Elizabeth and a laimch com- 
manded by Pierre Daimiale, to Carolina. Case 
conducted by Jean Bernard Verchurs de Terrepuy, 
acting Crown Attorney. Madame Caron is also 

Marine Abduction Plot. Fort Louis, (Biloxi), July 29, 1723. 
Hearing of Marin (La Fontaine) aged about 18, 
native of Versailles, a soldier in the company of 
Commander Louboy. Admits complicity in the 
plot, at instance of Madame Caron. Nine or ten 
soldiers ready to take part; the flight was planned 
for July 28. 

Digitized by 


112 The Louisiana Historical Qmrterly 

Letter Signed Bienville. N. O., August 3, 1723. Advising Mon- 
sieur de Fleuriaux of transmission of papers from 
Commander de Loubois. 
(The Superior Council held its sessions now in New 
Orleans. Fleuriaux had become Attorney General.) 

Letter Signed Bienville. N. O.. August 4, 1723. Recommending 
despatch of provisions by dugout of post officer de 
Therisse, for the Yazoo post. Monsieur de Bien- 
ville would have attended to the business himself, 
but was prevented by an attack of "gripes" last 
(After the failure of the Company of the West, 1721, 
and the bankruptcy of Law, Louisiana had reverted 
to the Crown of France. It was divided in 9 civil 
districts (one of them the Yazoo) and three eccle- 
siastical, the Capuchins, Carmelites and Jesuits.) 

Copy of Will of Jacques Le Severre. August 7, 1723. Under- 
signed Etienne Bovest, joiner «ind Dupont soldier of 
the Natchitoches detachment, certify that they 
heard Jacques Le Severre, of Brest, declare it in the 
great warehouse hospital, that he willed 1(X) francs 
to the Capuchins for prayers in his behalf; and let 
his residue funds be sent to his wife and children at 
Brest. Subjoined note by Duval Dec. 12, 1724, 
stating Uiat he holds the original along with Le 
Severre accoimt. 

Tixerrant vs. Laurenceau. August 14, 1723. Suit of recovery. 
Plaintiff moves to recover property which he sold to 
defendant, now removed to Avoyelles, after pro- 
test of draft on him for 3727 francs. Item, let 
plaintiff have recourse to Laurenceau's partner 
LaCroix at Natchez for enjoinment of this year's 
crop. Council allows attachment of Laurenceau's 
goods and also of this year's crop to the extent of 
L's. share. Action further allowed against all con- 
cerned until satisfaction be reached. Notice served 
on Mr. LaCroix at Natchez, on Sept. 28, 1723. 
(Avoyelles (dim: oiavoie, small viper) one of the tribes 
living near the mouth of Red River within what is 
now Avoyelles Parish, La.) 

Testimony Received. Biloxi (Fort Louis), August 17, 1723. Ex- 
amination of Pierre Chouvin fifer in Commander 
de Loubois company, witnessing against Caron, 
company baker and Millat. Caron's wife tried, but 
in vain, to engage witness in the plot. 

Testimony Received. (Fort Louis), Biloxi, August 17, 1723. Ex- 
amination of Jean Daniel, alias, St. Jean soldier of 
Commander Loubois' company, concerning de- 

Digitized by 


Abstracts from Old Papers 113 

sertion plot, He was enticed by Millet to jdn it, 
but refrained. 

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept 22, 1723. Examix^ 
ation of Marin La Fontaine. Was afraid to report 
the matter to his captain, but asked Guitton to 
do so. 

Sentence Against Dog and Gat Butcher. Sept. 10, 1723. On 
testimony of eig^t inmates of the Hospital to the 
effect that one Villeneuve workman of Messieurs the 
Engineers, killed a number of dogs and furnished 
dog meat to the Hospital (supplid plenty of roast 
dog, says one of the witnesses) the Council condemns 
ViUeneuve to be paraded and then set for two hours 
on the "wooden horse", bearing a "sandwich," 
placarded inscribed in large letters, "Eater of dogs 
and cats" ; (and wearing a cat about his neck if one 
be found) was the recommendation of Attorney 
General Fleuriau. Signatures of Bienville and otibier 
(The first record of a hospital in Louisiana, Charity 
Hospital of New Orleans, was foimded in 1734. 

Petition of Recoyery. Sept. 15, 1723; April 19, 1724. Louis Rich- 
ard, Canadian, seeks to collect from Jean Bordier 
14 barrels of wheat due on some stakes furn^ed 
by L. P. (now at N. P.) to J. B. Action allows. 

Testimony in Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 22, 1723. Examin- 
ation of Francoic Milliat (so signed) aged 55, native 
of Nogent sur Aube and usually resident at Biloxi 
Denies complicity with Caron, and professes ignw- 
ance of plot. 

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 22, 1723. Examin- 
ation of Jean Caron, baker, native of Peronne in 
Picardy, aged 25 and usually resident at Biloxi. 
Professes ignorance of plot and makes denial of all 

Court Order for Summons of Witnesses. Sept. 23, 1723. Coun- 
cillor Fazende authorizes notification of witnesses 
for session of the morrow morning. 

Summons of Witnesses. N. O., Sept. 24, 1723. Sheriff la Morin- 
^ iere notifies Jean Daniel, alias St. Jean, and Pierre 
Chauvin, alias St. Pierre, to appear at 2 p. m. for 
hearing in regard to the recent plot at BUoxi. 

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 24, 1723. Examin- 
ation of Pierre Chauvin, alias St. Pierre, aged 18, 
also of Jean Daniel, aged 25. Chauvin went to buy 
bread at CarcMi's and was asked by Madame Caron 

Digitized by 


i 14 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

to take part in the proposed desertion. JeanD.was 
accosted on the same subject by Milliat. 

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O*, Sept 24. 1723. Examin- 
ation of Madame Caron. She denied all part in 
alleged plot. 

Testimony on Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 25, 1723. Further 
hearing of Jean Caron, who persists in his denials 
and disclaims all thought of plotting. 

Testimony of Desertion Plot. N. O., 25, 1723. Further hearing 
of Francois Milliat, cook by trade. Persists in de- 
nying all part in plot. Attorney General orders re- 
view of testimony and confronting of witnesses with 
parties accused. (Ragged edges.) 

Testimony in Review. N. O., Sept. 25,' 1723. Simdry witnesses* 
heard in confirmation of previous evidence against 
Caron and his wife and their supposed fellow plot- 

Confronting Process in Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 25, 1723. 
Madame Caron brought in by armed escort is con- 
fronted with Pierre Chauvin, alias St. Pierre, and 
Francois Milliat with Jean Daniel, alias St. Jean. 
Madame denies the charges of Chauvin, and Milliat 
those of Jean D. Further procedure ordered. 

Confronting Process. N. O., Sept. 26, 1723. Madame Caron be- 
ing confronted with Marin La Fontaine denies hav- 
ing spoken of any plot to him. He persists in the 
contrary statement. 

Testimony in Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 30, 1723. Guillaume 
Guiton examined in review neither augments nor 
abates his previous statement. 

Confronting Process in Desertion Plot. N. O., Sept. 30, 1723. 
Madame Caron denies the accusation by Guillaume 
Guiton. Contradiction as well between Guiton and 
La Fontaine. 

Testimony in Alleged Plot. N. O., Sept. 30, 1723. Examination 
of witness. Antoine Avenelle. He professes ignor- 
ance of any plot, refuses to credit witnesses who al- 
lege one and is willing to believe Caron and his 

Testimony of Alleged Plot. N. O., Sept. 30, 1723. Examination 
once again of Guillaume Guiton (Guitton). Re- 
peats details of a proposed flight to Carolina; chief 
parties being Caron and wife, Milliat, Avenelle and 
three carpenters of the Company. Implicated La 
Fontaine, and quotes the latter as reporting 10 or 
11 soldiers ready to take part. 

Digitized by 


Abstracts from Old Papers 115 

Capital Sentence for Murder. N. O., Oct. 1, 1723. A negro be- 
longing to M. Delery is condemned to be strangled 
for murder of his wife. He shall first be baptized. 
M. Delery is entitled to compensation. Memoran- 
diun stating delay of execution till the morrow, be- 
cause the gallows were not in readiness yesterday. 
(M. De Lery was one of the three Chauvin brothers; 
Chauvin de Lery, Chauvin de Lafreniere, Chauvin 
de Beaulieu. They came from Canada and became 
distinguished in the financial and commercial re- 
cords of the time. lafreniere, son of the former 
was executed by O'Reilly as the leader of the in- 
surrection against Ulloa.) 

Testimony in Desertion Plot. N. O., Oct. 9, 1723. Renewed ex- 
amination of Francois Milliat this time by ques- 
tioning process. He received his knowledge of the 
projected desertion from Caron's wife, not from 
Caron. They were to abduct Daumale's laimch 
and escape "to the Engli^." Reports that St. Jean 
turned away from the suggestion of joining the 

Petition for Legal Counsel. Oct. 10, 1723. Caron and his wife 
accused of plotting desertion urge the injustice of 
procedure in which those accused have no formal 
defense on their side. They lay the alleged mischief 
to Guiton and request appointment of coimsel in 
behalf; also naming witnesses who can serve their 

''Desertion Plot*' Resumed. N. O., Oct. 11, 1723. Examina- 
tion of Jean Caron with reference to alleged plot. 
All charges denied. 

Digitized by 



Louisiana Data Recently Acquired by the United States 
Concessional Library. 

In the Report of the Librarian of Congress for 1916 the follow- 
ing item3 are interesting to students of Louisiana history. 

The Division of manuscripts reports the acquisition of the 
description is given on page 46, on which it is noted that the papers 
of Judge Roman were acqxiired in 1915. It also reports the receipt 
of 7000 transcripts from the French Archives Nationales, being 
correspondence between Home Officers and Colonial Officials of 
Louisiana, chiefly with Bienville from 1731 to 1751, also 10,000 
pages of Spanish transcripts from, the Archives of the Indies at 

The Division of Maps and Charts reports the acquisition of a 
great mmiber of atlases containing separate and included maps of 
Louisiana of earlier dates. Among the separate maps accessioned 
were a large colored map of New Orleans in manuscript, a view of 
New Orleans in 1852 published by D. W. Moody, drawn by Hill 
and Smith, a map of the State of Louisiana in 1838 by Catesby 
Graham, the Territory of Orleans 1805 by B. Lafon. This report 
notes maps which have been foimd in other libraries and of which 
efforts will be made to procure photographic copies for the Depart- 

Fleuve St. Louis ci-devant Mississippi releve par le sieur Diron 

Tan 1719, depuis la Nouvelle-Orleans jusqu'au village Cahokia. 

Original in Bibliotheque nationale, Pans. 
Carte nouvelle et tres exacte d'une partie de la Louisiane et de Tisle 

de Cuba en 1718. Original in Depart, de la marine, Paris. 
Carte du golfe de Mexique et des isles de Barlovento par Juan las 

Caiz a la Vera Cruz, 1718. Original in Depart, de la marine, 

Parie de la cpste de la Floride ou se trouve Tembouchure de la riviere 

de MississippL.....Paris, Moullart-Sanson, 1719. Original in 

Biblio. natiomde, Paris. 
Carte de la cote de la Louisiane depuis Tembouchure du Miss, jusqu'a 

la baye de S. Joseph, 1719-1720. Original in Depart de la 

marine, Paris. 

Digitized by 


Historical Data Acquired by the Congressional Library 117 

Carte nouvelle de la partie de Touest de la province de la Louisiane. 

sur les observations et decouvertes du sieur Benard de la Harpe, 

1720. Original in Depart, de la marine, Paris. 
Carte de la coste de la Lomsiane depuis la baye de St Louis jusqu'a 

celle de St. Joseph, 1719-1720, par Devin. Original in Biblio, 

nationale, Paris. 
Carte reduite des isles de TAmerique it du golfe du Mexeque .par 

Philippe Buache, 1724. Original in Depart, de la marine, Paris. 
Map of East and West Florida .par Charles Cloard, 1739. Original 

in Depart, de la marine, Paris. 
Plan de la partie de la province de la Louisiane (1762.) Original 

in Depart, de la marine, Paris. 
Carte du Golfe du Mexique et des Antilles, 1696. Juan Bisente. 

Original in Depart, de la marine, Paris. 
Plan de la cote et des environs du Mississippi, 1699. Original in 

Depart, de la marine, Paris. 
Carte de la cote et des environs du fleuve Mississippi, 1699. Original 
P^m in Depart, de la marine, Paris. 
Partie de TAmerique septentrionale ou est comprise la Nouvelle 

France,.par Jean Baptiste Louis Franquelin. 1699. Original in 

Depart, de la marine, Paris. 

In the general list of accessions are named a New Orleans tax 
receipt of 1840 and portions of four bills issued by the Parish of St. 
Tammany as money in 1862. 

P. 220 Louisiana: John de Neufville & Sons, circular letter to 
the merchants of the United States with list of prices current in 
Amsterdam, 1783, Feb.; Particulars of affairs at New Orleans, 1862, 

The Periodical Division reports the acquisition of the following 
Southern newspapers of the Civil War Period. 
New Orleans True Delta, February 9, 1864. 
Opelousas Courier, April 25, 1863, (printed on wall paper.) 




Annual Report of the American Historical Association. 

The recently issued first volume of the Annual Report of the 
American Historical Association for the year 1914, contains the 
following note of interest to the members of the Historical Society. 

On page 69, the American Historical Association at its meeeting 
November 28, 1914, reports the receipts of invitation to send dele- 
gates to the celebration of the one himdredth anniversary of the 
Battle of New Orleans xrnder the auspices of the Louisiana Historical 

In the Report of Work in 1914 on catalogue of doctmients in 

Digitized by 


118 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

French Archives relathig to the History of Mississippi Valley for 
which work the Louisiana Historical Society contributed $200, Mr. 
Leland reports: 

"In the Colonial Archives the most important work has been 
the searching of the series for Martinique and Santo Domingo. 
Some 226 volumes have been examined, and the work is being con- 
tinued to include the series for all the French West Indies. They 
contain a considerable amoimt of material relating to conmierce 
with Louisiana, to the supply of provisions, to vessels bound to or 
from Louisiana and putting in at Santo Domingo, etc. There have 
also been listed the contents of five cartons which serve as a supple- 
ment to the main series for Louisiana. Nearly every one of these 
doamients, of which there are over 500, is very valuable." 

"In the National Archives, properly speaJdng, there have been 
foimd a number of edicts relating to Louisiana, as well as many 
docimients relating to negotiations imder the Directory touching on 
Louisiana. All the American maps in the National Archives have also 
been listed— most of them cover, in part at least, the Mississippi 

"It should be imderstood that the work has been performed in 
conjimction with my work for the Cam^e Institution — a fact which 
has made it possible to cover far mare groimd than could have been 
done had the Mississippi Valley research been made a distinct and 
separate imdertaking." 



Some Rare Louisiana Historic Data. 

It may not be uninteresting to readers of this Quarterly to note 
the following rare piece of Louisiana history showing the interest of 
England at that early period in the developments of the colonization 
of America by the French. It occurs in Catalogue 21 of R. H. Dodd 
of New York, issued in November, 1916, it is probably unique. 


the P T. of G t B n, OccasicMied by the Privil^e granted 

by the French King to Mr. Crozat. Small 4 to, full crushed levant 
morocco. $275.00. 

London, Printed for J. Baker, 1713. 

Very rare and imdescribed by bibliographers. 

The Letters Patent granted by Louis XIV to Crozat in S^tem- 
ber, 1712, were of the widest character. The grant was, it may be 
said, the first attempt to develop the great central region of the 
United States. His ships could only trade with all ''Louisiana" 

Digitized by 


Same Rare Louisiana Historic Data 119 

which is described as "bounded by New Mexico, and by the Lands 
of the English Carolina. . . .the River St. Lewis heretofore called 
Mississippi, from the edge of the Sea as far as the Illinois; together 
with the River of St, Philip heretofore called the Missourys, and of 
St. Jerome, heretofore called Ouabache, with all the Coimtries, Ter- 
ritories, Lakes, within Land, and the Rivers which fall directly into 
that Part of the River of St. Lewis." 

This is the first edition in English of the Patent. It was re- 
printed the next year in Joutel's ** Account of La Sailers Last Voyage," 
1714. The comment here given, some thirty pages, seems to be no- 
where else printed. 

Digitized by 


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The Louisiana 
Historical Quarterly 

Vol.. I, No. 2. September 14, 1917 

lurfayette's Visit to New Orleans. 

La Fhride et Vancienne Louisiane. Notes bibliographique et 
raisonniSf by L. Boimare. 

General James Wilkinson. 

Published Quarterly by 



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/:c. A/ rco'^^^' 

Digitized by 


The Louisiana 
Historical Quarterly 

Vol. I, No 2 

September 14, 1917 

Digitized by 







JOHN DYMOND, First Vice-President. 

T. P. THOMPSON. Second Vice-President. 

HENftY RENSHAW. third Vice-Preddent. 

W. O. HART, Treasurer. 

MISS GRACE KING. Recording Secretary. 

ROBERT GLENK, Corresponding Secretary-Librarian. 

Executive Committee 

John Dymond, Chairman; Caspar Cusachs.T. P. Thompson. Henry Renshaw, 
W. O. Hart. Miss Grace King, arid Robert Glenk. 

Membership Committee 

H. J. de la Vergne. Chairman; Miss Emma Zacharie and George Koppel. 
Work and Archives Committee 

Caspar Cusachs. Chairman; Miss Grace King. Robert Glenk. W. O. Hart, 
T. P. Thompson and A. B. Booth. 

Digitized by 


Volume I, No. 2. September 14, 1917 

Lafayette's Visit to New Orleans, by Judge Henry Renshaw 

La Floride et Tancienne Louisiane. Notes bibliographique et raisonn^s, by 
A. L. Boimare, with introduction by Miss Grace King 

General James Wilkinson, by his great grandson, James Wilkinson 

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Digitized by 


The Louisiana 
Historical Quarterly 

Vol. 1, No. 2 September 14, 1917 


A paper by Judge Henry Renshaw, read at the Cabildo, in New 
Orleans, on the occasion of the celebration of Lafayette Day, Sep- 
tember 6, 1916: 

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: 

In 1824 Lafayette visited the United States. It was his final 
voyage to the land in the achievement of whose independence he had 
borne so glorious a part. On this tour, Louisiana was included in the 
scope of his itinerary. 

In December, 1824, the General Assembly of this State had 
authorized the Governor to draw from the public treasury a stun not 
exceeding fifteen thousand dollars, to give General Lafayette a recep- 
tion in our State worthy (so reads the statute) of the patriotic war- 
rior, whom the American nation delights to honor; and resolutions 
had been adopted tending to co-operation of State and City to cele- 
brate (again I quote the legislative language) in the most magnifi- 
cent manner, the arrival of General Lafayette. 

New Orleans, then the Capital of Louisiana, appropriated as the 
contribution of the Corporation toward the cost of the reception of 
Lafayette, an amount equal to that which the Governor had been 
empowered to expend. 

The Steamer Natchez was despatched to Mobile to bring Lafay- 
ette to New Orleans. 

On the morning of the 9th of April, 1825, he arrived off the delta 
of the Mississippi, and began the ascent of that imperial river. As 
his voyage progressed the cannon's reverberations annoimced his 
approach. At midnight, in the vicinity of Mr. Morgan's plantation 
the Natchez cast anchor. In the afternoon of the following day the 

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6 JAe Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

voyage was resumed. The battlefield was sighted. By felicitous 
selection, Lafayette's place of landing was the historic pladn of Chal- 
mette. A large assemblage had congregated on the levee. Artillery 
saluted as he came ashore. A cavalry detachment detailed as his 
escort, together with a glittering staff, awaited him. He was received 
by twelve marshals and by inembers of the committee of arrange- 
ments; and having entered his carriage, to which were harnessed 
six grey horses, was driven to the house of Mr. William Montgomery, 
which had been the headquarters of Andrew Jackson when defending 
New Orleans. 

Within that dwelling, adorned by the richness of heroic asso- 
ciation, the Governor of Louisiana met Lafayette and bade him 
welcome to the State. The distinguished guest feelingly replied. 
After these ceremonious addresses ensued a period yielding oppor- 
timity for presentations, for kindly greetings, for renewal of old 
comradeships, for interchange of martial reminiscences, for 
general conversation. 

A procession was formed, which with Lafayette as the dominant 
figure, moved onward to the City, and grew in volume with its ex- 
tending course. At length was reached what then was the Place 
d'Armes. Almonester's daughter had not yet embellished the place 
nor asked that its name be changed to Jackson Square. I^fayette 
descended from his equipage of state; he entered the Place d'Armes; 
the impetuous people strove to look upon him; and the joyous ac- 
clamations of the multitude mingled with the music which the belfry 
of the Cathedral scattered o^ the air. 

In the center of the square on arch of triumph had been reared. 
There Roffignac, Mayor of New Orleans, received Lafayette, and 
expressed the gratification of the City at his arrival. At the Court- 
house, Denis Prieur, the Recorder, and as such the presiding officer of 
the City Council, extended to I^fayette, in their behialf, a further 

To the Mayor and to the Recorder, the renowned visitor made 
appropriate acknowledgment. 

Lafayette was thereafter conducted to the Cabildo, which in 
those distant days was the City Hall, and continued so to be until 
the early portion of May, 1853. This building had been sumptuously 
furnish^ for his service and was assigned as his place of abode dur- 
ing his residence in New Orleans. 

The Cabildo became the house of Lafayette; or in the speech 
so beloved of the people, la maison de Lafayette. Amid the enthusiasm 
of the exulting citizens he took possession of his temporary home. 

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Lafayette's Visit to New Orleans 7 

Turning from those who were in attendance, he advanced to the 
front of this building, and from the balcony on Chartres Street re- 
viewed the troops that were parading below. 

Into the Cabildo poured the people eager to greet the famous 
veteran of our struggle for independence. 

The tide of visitors ebbed away. The night drew on. They 
who had been his companions at dinner lingered for a while; all who 
were not of the household at length withdrew; the hero was left to 
his repose; and quiet brooded over the Cabildo. 

On the morning of the morrow the tide again set in, and the flow 
and the ebb continued as day followed upon day. Officials, members 
of the bar and of the medical profession, soldiers of the American 
Revolution, veterans of the field of Chalmette; citizens, generally, 
called to offer to the hero the lavish homage of their reverential 

On the second evening of his sojourn, Lafayette visited James 
H. Caldwell's theatre, which had recently been built in the upper 
portion of the expanding city. Caldwell was an Englishman who had 
settled in New Orleans. He had amassed fortune; was a patron of the 
drama; and was himself a "well graced actor." At Caldwell's theatre 
Lafayette was greeted with clamorous manifestations of veneration 
and delight. 

From witnessing the representation on the American stage, he 
proceeded to the Orleans theatre and viewed the last two acts ol a 
comedy performed by Davis' Company of histrions. At the termi- 
nation of the play, the actresses and actors rendered a musical com- 
position which ended with mention of Lafayette and freedom. The 
audience took up these associated words, and the house resotmded 
with timiultuous shouts of Vivent Lafayette et la liberty 

A ball given for him at the Orleans theatre presented a specta- 
cle of brilliant revelry. It is said that eight hundred ladies graced 
the occasion with their presence. 

On the 13th of the month the City was illuminated. The Place 
d'Armes was radiant with multicolored light. The arch, the Court- 
house, the Cabildo blazed with the splendor of fiery ornamentation. 
In the softness of the April night, the daughters of New Orleans, 
clad in the elegance of evening attire, crowded the neighboring bal- 
conies, or were imits of beauty in the throng which filled the Square. 

Restriction of time constrains me to bring to a conclusion this 
imperfect sketch. 

Briefly it may be stated that the City was riotous with gaiety 
of patriotism. Their hearts uplifted in rejoicing, a demonstrative 

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8 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

people, with generous enthusiasm, made of the visit of Lafayette a 
glad series of gala days and festal nights. 

Friday, the 15th of April, was the date of his departure. About 
mid-day he left the Cabildo. The soldiery taking up their march, 
advanced between crowding lines of people, and were his guard of 
honor to where the Natchez lay expectant. 

The words of farewell were spoken; the moorings were thrown 
off; and the steamer, dignified by its heroic burden, moved slowly 
forth upon the broad surface of the stream. 

Thus passed the visit of Lafayette, leaving as a precious pos- 
session to the people, the proud remembrance that they had been 
privil^ed to entertain the illustrious Frenchman, who in the days of 
his chivabous youth had fought for the cause of our infant Republic. 

Here then to-night, in the house of Lafayette, beneath the com- 
panion flags which drape these walls, the tri-colored emblem of 
France and the constellated standard ot the American Union, let us 
proclaim our fervent hope that the historic friendship which cul- 
minated in glorious victory at Yorktown may endure, and that, 
imdimmed in the procession of the ages, it may continue "from 
generation imto generation and unto coimtless generations torever." 

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Bibliographiqties et raisoiinte 

Sur les principaux ouvrages public 



et I'ancienne LOUISIANE, 

depuis leur dfecouverte jusqu' a Tepoque actuelle. 
accompagn6s de trois cart^ de Giiillaimie Delisle, 

pubU6s en 1703 et 1712. 

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Notes bibliographiques et raisonn6s sur les principaux Ouvrages 
Publics sur la Floride et T Ancienne Louisiane depuis leur d6couverte 
jiisqu'a Tepoque actuelle. 


As the title conveys, these Notes include a period and a field 
that practically cover the whole of early colonial history and they 
disseminate over it an amount of light that renders even the darkest 
paths across it clear to the eyes of the student. When finished, 
some sixty years ago, it was without doubt the most complete cata- 
logue of its kind existence, and had it attained the publicity it de- 
served it would have placed its author in the foremost rank of Ameri- 
can historiographers. Considered today when historical research 
work has been specialized to reach the most finished perfection, it 
can stand the test of comparison even with other critical and analyti- 
cal catalogues compiled by noted scholars aided by staffs of skilled 
assistants in the great historical collections of libraries enriched by 
the treasures of fifty years of successful mining in the European 
archives; covering the field in which Boimare delved alone with no 
other assistance than that furnished by his own two hands and 
indefatigable patience and energy. The volimies in his list niunber 
one himdred and ninety; each one is accompanied by its analytical 
and critical note; all but a few carefully excepted in the test, have 
been read by the author and the whole manuscript a considerable one 
which includes an index has been copied by him in a pains-taking 
chirography that in the minute precision of its clear characters vie 
with copperplate. The manuscript is in short a marvel of erudition 
and conscientious devotion to an arduous and as it proved an un- 
grateful task.* 

The sorrow that it should have remained lost so long and de- 
prived of its usefulness is forgotten in the joy over its final recovery 
and restoration to its rightful position in the world of letters. What 
was its history after it left its author during the many years of its 
wanderings and by what good adventure it at last reached a sure 
haven on the book shelf of our distinguished member, we do not 
know. No other work of Boimare's has come down to us; whether 
any other one is drifting beyond our ken on the sea of literary flotsam 
and jetsam may never find out; presimiably his life did not more 

♦NOTE — The Manuscript of this work and the only copy known to collectore, belongs t 
te library of Americano of Mr. T. P. Thompson, who has now kindly loaned it to the 
Btorical Society for publication. 

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Outrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 11 

than compass this achievement; it must indeed have consumed the 
number of his allotted working years for he was middle aged as we 
can compute when he began it. 

The modest seclusion in which he lived; disguised as we may 
well express it, as a bookseller in New Orleans and Paris shielded 
him so well from publicity that we are dependent upon the charitable 
memory of an old friend, Mr. Henry Vignaud of Paris, the distin- 
guished historian and an honorary member of our Society, for a few 
items to eke out the details that we have previously obtained 
concerning the life of so admirable and generous a laborer in the 
vineyard of Louisiana history. 

Mr. William Beer of the Howard Library, our co-member, has 
most considerately placed at our disposition a letter written by Mr, 
Vignaud to him in answer to his inquiry about Boimare. *1 have 
known Boimare," he writes March 19th, 1917, "and all his family 
very well; he began by being a bookseller in New Orleans, where he 
married a Creole lady. I do not remember her name. He returned 
to France and came back to New Orleans later as an assistant to his 
eldest son Francis Boimare, as bookseller. He returned to France 
with no money and had to earn his bread by hard work. He died in 
poverty. He was an upright man." 

It was in the year 1825, that Boimare came to New Orleans. 
His store was in Chartres street, niunber 1135, afterwarcis removed 
to 137 Royal street. He also maintained a circulating library. The 
store and library are remembered still (an inherited memory) as of 
importance in the life of the city; at that time entering its golden age 
of proisperity and wealth which were bearing fruit in elegance and re- 
finement of Ufe. The great names of the bench and bar that have 
come down to us in local tradition as glorious were then borne by the 
living men. Francois Xavier Martin, then in the maturity of his 
life, had already published his history of Louisiana; Charles Gayarre, 
young, handsome and ambitious, was known to be preparing to dis- 
pute the title of historian with him. We can imagine, we like to 
imagine, that they were wont of an afternoon to resort to Boimare' s 
store for books and papers and to hear and to talk over the news. 
There must have been some discussion, there always has been dis- 
ctission among lawyers over the respective qualifications of the two 
men, both of the legal profession, as historians and no doubt there 
was a general overhauling of the historical authorities then available 
at Boimare's, and in the city. Boimare, who as we have seen, pos- 
sessed also qualifications as a historian, must have been a useful factor 
in procuring new data, and in judging what was in current handling. 

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12 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Although, as far as we know, no mention is made of him, nor of any 
service tendered by him to the historians. We have no facts to go 
on but the surmise is probable almost unavoidable that Boimare 
foimd.and made known to the historians, Martin and Gayarre, a 
certain manuscript that was being circulated in copies in the city. 
This was the Journal Historique de TEstablissement des Francais 
a la Louisiane by Bernard de la Harpe. 

Both historians, as we know, had recourse to La Harpe for 
facts and dates following him faithfully, but, neither for all the use 
he made of the manuscript seems to have had the thought of pre- 
serving it in print for the use of succeeding generations of historical 
students, although both could have done so with financial ease, and 
here in New Orleans at that time there were presses that were put- 
ting out very creditable work (Gayarre's own first book, his ''Essai 
Historique," was published in this city.)It is to Boimare's credit, we 
may even say glory, that he the hiunble bookseller did not also "pass 
by," but took upon himself, to rescue it from probable destruc- 
tion, at any rate from probable loss — a record that stands as the open 
door to all historical research in the early colonial history of Louisiana. 
For this reason, if not on account of his later work Boimare's name 
should be enshrined in our Cabildo, our Louisiana Historical Society's 
Hall of Fame. As the Journal Historique was published in Paris, 
not New Orleans, in 1831, Boimare may have gone to France for that 
purpose. He returned to New Orleans in the early fifties, but as 
we have seen was forced to go back to France to make his living. 

In Paris he obtained employment in the great establishment of 
Chadenat, celebrated at that time for his collections of rare Ameri- 
canae. No one in the old or new world was better fitted to appre- 
ciate such a field, or to labor in it. His call to it must have been 
imperative. Neither poverty nor hard work deteired him from answer- 
ing it; nor the fear of greater poverty nor harder work. There is 
nothing more to add, further comment seems unnecessary. 


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Outnages Publics sur la Floride et I'Ancienne Louisiane 13 

Liste par ordre alphabfithique des fecrivains dont les ouvrages 
sont indiqu6s par ces notes. 


Anonymes 1, 27, 38. 44, 

45, 50. 66, 81, 
90, 91, 100, 

Acosta.- 158, 159, 160 

Adair-. 170 

Adams 133 

American husbandry 66 

Ampere 157 

Antiquitates Americanae... 187,188 

Armroyd 142 

Bacqueville de la Potherie.. 30 

Bancroft 152 

Barda (voir Cardenas) 

Bartram 82, 83 

Barb6 Marbois 140, 141 

Barton 173 

Baudry des Lozieres 93, 99 

Bellin 51 

Beltrami 134, 135 

Berquin (voir Duvallon) . . _ 
Bernard de la Harpe (voir 


Bernard (I. F.) . 29 

Birkbeck 123, 124, 125 

Bonrepos— 38 

Bouquet 55, 56 

Bossu 57, 58, 69 

Bradbury 122 

Bradshaw 126 

BradfcMrd- 190 

Brackenridge 116, 117 

Brasseur de Bourbourg 156 

Brown 120 

Bruzen la Martiniere 41 

Bunner 151 

Burke 53, 54 

CarU 171 

Carver 72, 73 

Cardenas 37 

Catesby 44 

Champigny 67 

Charlevoix 30, 43 

Citry de la Guette 3 

Church 177 

Clark 113, 114 

Colden 167 

Collot 137 

Coxe 35 

(>eve-Coeur 79, 80 

Darby 121 

Delafield 189 

Del'Isle 28 

De Pauw 169 

DeVergennes 92 

Dubroca 95 

Dumont 46 


Duvallon .- 96 

DunmoreLang 183 

Eidous 168 

Ellicott 115 

Falconer 149 

Filson 75, 76 

Flint 144,182 

French .- 155 

Gardllasso de la Vega 6 

Garcia 166 

Gayarre 153 

Grotius 163, 164 

Genty 172 

Hakluyt 2, 5 

Hall 146 

Harris 10 

Hennepin 16. 17,-18, 19 

Heckwelder 175, 176 

Henry 107 

Heylyn i 11 

Histoire Universelle 44, 45 

Hohnes 139 

Homius 165 

Hunter 176 

Hutchins 70, 71 

Imlay 88 

Irving, J. 184 

Irving, Washington 185, 186 

Jeflfery 49 

Joutel 24, 25 

Kalm 61 

Keating 136 

Kersland 36 

Lacarriere I^tour 119 

Lagt 8, 9, 161, 162 

Lahontan 22, 23 

Lafitau 31 

Lamartiniere (voir Bruzen). 

Laval 39 

Laudonni^e 4 

Laharpe (Bernard) 26 

Leclercq 15 

Lee 112 

Le F^ge'du F^tznillllll 47, 48 

Le Petit 40 

Lewis (Capt) 113, 114 

Long, (J.) 84, 85 

Long (Major) 136 

Louisiana 90, 101 

MacCulloh 178 

Marbois (voir Barb6) 

Marest 31 

Marigny 52 

Marquette 14 

Martin <Judge) 138 

Michaux 103, 104 

Milfort 94 

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The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 




Num^o Num6ro 

150 Schoolcraft 131 

132 Schultz- 108 

.- 86,87 Seybert 130 

143 Smyth 77,78 

59 Sparks 148 

74 Stoddart Ill 

102 Stork 59 

109.110 Tanner 179.180 

60 TemauxCompans 12.13 

64 Thatcher 181 

145 Tonti. 20,21 

106 Ulloa - 65, 66 bis. 

32 Volney 97,98 

62,63 Vail.. 147 

7 Warden 127,128.129 

105,106 WilUamson _ 174 

68 Winterbotham_.. 89 

Un certain nombre d'ouvrages ont certainement du 6chapper k mes recherches, 
mais comme ce Travail ne sera livr6 ^ Timpression qu'autant que des Juges compe- 

tenLs \e croiront utile au public je r^parerai alors les omissions qui s'y rencofitrent. 

Perrin du Lac_ 











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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 15 


I have put these notes together believing that I could fill a 
bibliographical gap and in publishing them facilitate the researches 
of those who wish to know the different histories of Louisiana; to 
follow the voyagers who visited it at different periods or sought 
information about the writings of the various naturalists who have 
given a description of its natural wealth. This was my motive for 
the work. 

The sunmiary and critical accounts that follow each book have 
been drawn from the best sources of authority. As to the reflections 
that belong properly to me, I have endeavored after becoming ac- 
quainted with the books to write them with impartiality, if without 
elegance, for my inexperience as a writer forces me to beg the indul- 
gence of the reader, in this respect. 

In general, the books that are the subject of these notes, are not 
the ordinary ones of commerce many even are very rare, but when by 
dint of searching, I have succeeded in obtaining them it has happened 
frequently that the maps and pictures that should have accompanied 
them have been abstracted from them, which prevents the reader 
from following the author in his geographical indications. To remedy 
this inconvenience as much as possible, I have joined to this volimie 
three maps by the aid of which one can easily supply those that are 
lacking in the books that refer to them. 

These three maps are from Guillaiune de Tlsle, the first two of 
La Nouvelle France, of Mexico and Florida, were published in 1703; 
the other one, the map of Louisiana did not appear xmtil 1712, but 
it is much more correct than that of Hennepin and Joutel, and it 
possesses the advantage of showing the itineraries of the first explorers 
of Florida and Louisiana. By means of the chronological sequence 
adopted in these notes, and the maps that accompany them, the 
reader is enabled to read the ccmiplete history of Louisiana, written 
by cohtemporaries themselves, and to follow the progress of the 
settlements that were successively established. 

As I have said, my principal object in view, was to make known 
the works of the historians, the explorers and the naturalists who have 
written especially on Louisiana and Florida; nevertheless, I thought 
it would be agreeable to my readers to furnish them also the titles 
of the principal works whose authors have given their attention 

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16 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

rather to philosophical considerations on America and its origin 
and of its people in general, rather than to the relation of its history, 
or the description of its various parts. . The list of these works will 
be found at the end of the notes. If I have succeeded in the object 
that I proposed to myself, and above all if this little work is favorably 
received by the Louisiana public, I shall feel myself amply paid. 

One time Librarian at New Orleans. 
Paris, September, 1853. 

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Ouvrages Publics sur la FUnide et VAncienne Louisiane 17 

Ouvrages publics avant 1681. 

Lorsque les Francais sous la conduite de La Salle prirent posses- 
sion de la Louisianne au mois d'avriU 1682, elle avail fait partie 
jusque la de la province espagnol Florida qui dependaii de la 
vice royaute du Mexique, II convieni done d'indiquer d*abord les 
principaux ouvrages publics anterieuremeni a cette epoque 
et dans lesquels on trouve des notions concernant le pays qui plus 
tard recut un autre nam en changeant de proprietaire. 

Le premier outrage connu est celui d'un gentilhomme portugais 
qui accompagnait Hernandez Soto dans r expedition de laFloride. 
L'auteur a garde Vanonyme. II est institulS suivant M. Cernaux 
Campans queje copie: 

Relacion verdadera dos trabalhos que o Goberhador D. Fer- 
nando de Soto y ciertos fidalgos Portugueses passaron no 
descubrimento da provincia de Florida agora novamente feita 
por hune fidalgo d'EIvas. 
En 4o. Evora, en la casa de Burgos. 1557. 

Cet ouvrage dont Voriginal, dit M. Cernaux, est rarissime a iti 
traduit d'abord en anglais par Hakluyt, sous le litre suivant: 

Virginia, richly valued by the description of the main land of 
Florida, her next neighbour: out of the foure yeeres continuall 
travel and discouverie for above one thousand miles east and 
west of don Fernando de Soto, and six hundred able men in his 
companie. Wherein are truly observed the richness and fer- 
tilitie of those parts, abounding with things necessarie, pleas- 
able and profitable for the life of man : with the natures and 
dispositions of the inhabitants: written by a portugall gentle- 
man of Elvas, employed in all the action, and translated out 
of the Portuguese by Richard Hakluyt. fo. London, 1609. 

Jl d iti traduit ensuite en francais par Cttry de la Guette, sous 
le litre de: 

Histoire de la conquest de la Floride par les espagnols sous 
Pemando de Soto ecrite en portugais par un gentilhomme de 
la ville d'Elvas. 300 pages. 
IParis. Denis Thierry, in 12o. 1685. 


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18 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

'Vette relation'' dit Citry de la Guette, **a Vavantage d'estre 
original et de venir de la premiere main, d la difference de celle 
de la Floride del Inca Garcillasso de la Vega qui ne peut lui 
disputer leprix, n' ay ant paru que depuis celle-cy, et n* ay ant iti com- 
posi que sur le recit que luy en fit un simple cavalier qui avail suivy 
Fernando de Soto en la Floride, et qui, faute d' intelligence a pu se 
tromper en beaucoup de choses, aussi bien que Garcillasso faute 
de memoire et d' application. Cest ainsi qu'au commencement 
de sa Floride, il assure que Soto y, alia accompagne de treize 
cents hommes, au lieu que notre auteur dit, avec beaucoup plus 
d'apparence quHl n'y en avail que six cen; sur quoy Von doit 
remarquer qu'un gentilhomme comme il estait a ordinairement 
plus de lumiere qu'un simple soldat. II n'a pas voulu se faire 
connoistre et cet exemple de modestie nous est un bon garant de sa 
sincerite. Son style est naturel, simple et sans aucuns ornaments, 
tel que le doit estre celuy d'un discours qui n'a que la vSriti pour 

4. Historic notable de la Floride situ6 es Indes ocddentales, 
Contenant les trois voyages faits en icelle par certains capi- 
taines et pilotes fran^ais, descrits par le capitaine LaudonniSre 
qui a command^ I'espace d'lin an trois moys. A laquelle k 
est6 ajoustfi un quatrieme voyage fait par le capitaine Gour- 
gues, mise en lumifire par Mo. Basanier, GentiUiomme fran- 
cais mathematicico. Paris. Guillaume Auvray, 80. de 8 et 
124 pages. 1586. 
Le mhneouvrage reimprimi avec soins en 1853, par Af. P. JaneU 
dans sa charmante bibliotheque Elzivinnne, in I60. 1 vol. Hak- 
luyt d traduit en anglais la relation de Laudonniire. Elle a pour 

5. A notable history containing four voyages made by certayne 
French captaynes into Florida, newly translated out of French 
byR. H. London. 1587. 
Le premier voyage du capitaine Laudonnihe remonte a 1564, il 
avail pour objet la reconstruction du fort bati en 1562 par Ribaut 
qui, le premier des Frangais avail abordi d la Floride. Les 
Espagnols jaloux de cet etablissement, Vavaient entieremeni 
ruinS; ils avaient memefaitperir unepartie des premiers coloms mis 
en fuite et disperse le reste. L' expedition de Laudonniire eut un 
plein succes: il reconstruisit dans un auture lieu lefort auquel on 
donna le nom de Fort de la Caroline. Mais la division s'etanl 
mise parmi les colons, par Veffet de V insubordination et par 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 19 

rosiveU, Ribaud qui etaii revenu dans le pays, ne put y retablir 
ni Vordre ni le gout du travail. Les Espagnols profitirent de cette 
anarchie pour surprendre lefort de la Caroline. Dans la chaleur 
du combat tls massacrerent d*abord partie de ceux qui le defen- 
daient; mais ils pousshent ensuite la barbarie d un tel exces 
quHls ecorchireni vif Ribaud et pendirent d un arbre quelques de 
uns de ses compagnons d*infortune, avec cette inscription derisoire: 
nan comme Frangais mais comme heretiques. 
Dominique de Gourgue du Mont Marsan indigni de cette atrociti 
des Espagnols equipa un vaisseau a ses frais, debarqua a la 
Floride y reprit le fort de la Caroline et un autre fort qu'ils y 
avaient bati et fit pendre plusieurs espagnols au meme arbre 
ou ils avaient attachi les Francois. U inscription porteit: non 
comme Espagnols mais comme Forbans. ''La faiblesse du Gou- 
vernement frangais faillitrendre de Gourgues victime de son action 
heroique. Poursuivi par les Espagnols il leur aurait 6ti livri 
s'il ne sefut pas soigneusement cachi.*' 

Boucher de la Richarderie. 

6. Garcillasso de la Vega (El Inca). La Florida del Inca, historia 
del avelantado Hernando de Soto in 4o. en Lisboa 1605. 
A iti traduit en Francois par divers ecrivains; la version la plus 
estimie est celle de Richekt, elk est intituU: 

7. Histoire de la conquete de la Floride; ou relation de ce qui s'est 
pass6 dans la d6couverte de ce pays par Fernando de Soto. 
Paris. Musier, en 1202 parties en un voliune. 281 et 249 
pages. 1709 and 1711. 
// ignore quelle est la date de la premiire traduction anglaise de la 
Floride de Garcillasso. 

Richelet dit que: ''La premiere traduction de ce livre faite en 
francais est due d Baudoin et parut en 1658, quoique bonne dans 
le fond, elle eut un sort assez extraordinaire', le libraire qui vit 
qu'elle n' avail pas un grand debit, la considera comme un mauvais 
livre et la vendit aux epiciers pour servir d*enveloppe; elle devint 
rare et monta d un prix excessif; mais les libraires de Hollande 
lafirent re-imprtmer en 1705 et 1706. 

II y aurait pour Vhonneur de Garcillasso de la Vega bien des 
reflexions d faire sur ce que dit notre auteur, M. Citry de la 
Guette, run de nos meilleurs ecrivains, mais nous nous con- 
tenterons des suivantes: "Qui d out poser en regie qu'une relation 
qui ria par uque depuis une autre, merite moins le litre d' original 

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20 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

que celle qui est anierieure? Et ou en serions nous avec nos 
histoires dont les posterieres ont, la plupart du temps, fait evanouir 
et avec raison celle du temps meme? Croira-ton que Garcillasso 
n'a mis dans son livre un si bel ordre, un detail si exacte et si bien 
circonstancie que sur la rapport d'un simple cavalier peu intelligent? 
Si cette relation a iti de memoire, je I* en trouve d*autant meilleure, 
car assurement ce cavalier devait etre un prodige puisqu'il narre 
dans un si bel ordre un si grand nombre d' actions qui s'etatent 
passees il y avait pres de 40 ans. Cela seratt facile d prouver; 
V expedition s'etait faite en 1539. Garcillasso a fini son ouvrage 
en 1591. Je lui donne pour le composer dix ans, c'est beaucoup. 
Ainsi depuis 1543 que cette expedition fut terminer jus'en 1581, 
ilfaut compter 38 ans. Pour moif admire une si belle memoire. 
Mais je le dirai sincerement: M. Citry de la Guette a eu raison 
de louer son auteur aux dipens deGarcillasso; etfai rasion de venget 
Garcillasso au prejudice d^ ceux qui le meprisent. Si nousfaisions 
autrement nous serions tous deux d bldmer.*' 

8. DeLaet. Novus orbis descriptions Indiae occidentalis libri 
xviii, autore Joanne de Laet, Antuerpensi, novis tabulis 
geographicis et variis animentium, plantazum, frunctiinque 
iconibus illustrati folio, Lugduni Batavorum apud Elzevi- 
rius. 1633. 
Get ouvrage fut bientot traduit en francais sous le litre suivant: 

9. Le Nouveau Monde ou Description des Indes occidentales 
contenant xviii livres, par le Sieur Jean de Laet d'Anvers, 
enrichiesde nouvelles tables geographiques et de figures des 
animaux, plantes et fruits. Leyde et Amsterdam, Elzevir t. 

''Dans le quatrieme livre de cet ouvrage {p. 103 a 131) dit Charle- 
voiXy r auteur fait une assez bonne description dela Floride gu'il 
d tire principalement des annates d*Antoine de Herrera^ II 
nous apprend toutes les tentatives des Espagnols pour s'y eiablir, 
sous la conduite de Jean Ponce de Leon, du licencie Luc Vasquez, 
d'Ayllon, de Pamphile de Narvaez, de Fernando de Soto ei de 
Louys deMoscoso: les expeditions des Frangais dans cette par tie 
de la Floride qui est aujourdhui partagi entre les Anglais et les 
Espagnols; V etablissement de St, Augustin par Don Pedro 
Menenddez apris que ceGeneral eut chasse lesFrangais de laFloride 
et la guerre qu'il eut a so tenir contre le Chevalier Francis Drake, 
Boucher de la Richarderie de son cote, porte le jugement suivant 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 21 

sur Vouvrage de Laet: **Cest une assez bonne compilation des 
maieriaux qu* ont fourni a Vauteur des divers ouvrages dont il 
donne lui-meme la lisle au commencement du sien. On doit lui 
rendre la justice de dire que son travail annonce une critique 
assez judicieuse et qu'il developpe dans le cours de sa description, 
ei suriout dans la preface generate qui est a la tite un esprit de 
liberty et d* independance qtCon est itonni de trouver dans un 
sujet de la couronne d'Espagne. Laet, en decrivant la coti de la 
Floride, ne mentionne le nom d'aucune riviere dont V embouchure 
correspondrait a celle du Mississippi et il ajoute que tout Vespace 
depuis la baie de St, Joseph jusqu'a la riviere des Palmes {Le Rio 
del Norte) est fort peu connu. Toutefois dans sa carte de la 
Nouvelle Espagne il indique un Rio escondido dont la position 
est a peu de chose pris, celle du Mississippi. On peut done con- 
dure qu'a cette epoque {1640) la veritable entri du Mississippi 
etait inconnue, mime aux Geographies espagnols dont Laet faisait 
partie. Une traduction anglaise de Laet, Herrera et autres se 
trouve dans Vouvrage de John Harris iniiiuli: 

. lO- l^avigantixim atque Itinerantixim Bibliotheca ov: A collection 
of voyages and Travels consisting of above four hundred of the 
most authentic writers, beginning with Hackluyt, Purchass 
in English; Ramusio in Italian; Thevenot in French, &a. 
ILondon. 2 vol. fo. ' 1715. 

^^- Heylyns (Peter). Cosmography in four books, containing the 
chorography and history of the whole world: and all the princi- 
pal Kingdoms, Provinces, Seas, and the Isles thereof. Five 
parts in one vol. fo. the 6th edition. London, from 1663 to 1682. 
Cet ouvrage qui, par le nombre de ses editions parait avoir eti 
fiopulaire en Angleterre, contient a la page 99 du 4e. livre une 
decsripiion de la Floride qui ne fourmt pas plus de lumiere sur 
hi position du Mississippi que celui deLaet. 

u^vant de donner Vindication des ouvrages felattfs a la Louisiane 
depuis son occupation par les Frangais, je dois faire mention 
des deux volumes suivants, pubhis par M. Ternaux Campans, 
lesquels font par tie de sa: 

Collection de Voyages, Relations et Memoires originaux pour 
servir a Thistoire de la decouverte de TAmerique, Paris. 20 
vols, in 8o. 1837 a 1841. 

^2. JUun de ces volumes (le 20e. de la collection) est du plus haul 
^'-pnteret pour Vhistoire de la Floride, ainsi qu'on en pourra juger 

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22 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

par Vindication des pieces presque toutes tnedites qui s'y trouvent 

1. Sommation § faire aux habitants des centres et pro- 
vinces qui s'etendent depuis la rivdere des Palmes et le cap 
de la Floride. 

2. M6moire sur la Floride, ses cotes et ses habitants qu'aucun 
de ceux qui Tont visits n'ont su dfecrire par Hernando 
d'Escalante Fontanedo. 

3. Lettre 6crite par Tan delantado Soto, au corps municipal 
de la ville de Santiago, de Tisle de Cuba. 

4. Relation de ce qui arriva pendant le voyage du capitaine 
Soto et details sur la nature du pays qu'il parcourut, par 
Louis Hernandez de Biedma. 

5. Relation de la Floride pour Tillustrissime seigneur Vice- 
roi de la Nouvelle Espagne apporte par Fr&re Gregono 
de Beteta. 

6. Compte rendu par Guido de las Bazarer du voyage qu'il 
fit pour dfecouvrir les ports et les bales qui sont sur les 
cot6s de la Floride, pour la surety des troupes que I'on doit 
envoyer, au nom de sa Majeste, ''coloniser cette contr6" 
et la pointe de Ste. Helfene. Entreprise fait en vertu des 
ordres de Don Luis de Velasco, § sa Sacrfe Maiest^ 
catholique et royal sur les affaires de la Floride. 

7. Memoire de Theureux rfisultat et du bon voyage que Dieu 
riotre Seigneur a bien voulu accdrder § la flotte qui parti i de 
la ville de Cadiz pour se rendre k la cot6 et dan<5 la pro- 
vince de la Floride, et dont 6tait General V illustre ^ig- 
neur Pero Menendez de Abiler, commandeur de Tordre 
de St. Jacques. Cette flotte partit de la baie de Cadiz, le 
jeudi matin, 28 du mois de juin 1565, elle arriva sur les 
cotes des provinces de la Floiide, le 28 aout de la meme 
anne, par Francisco Lopez de Mendoza, chaplain de 

8. Copie d'lme lettre venant de la Floride, envoys § Rouen 
et depuis au seigneur d'Eueron, ensemble le plan et por- 
trait du fort que les Frangais y ont fait. 

9. Histoire memorable du dernier voyage aux Indes, lieu 
appele la Floride, fait par le Capitaine Ribaut, et entre- 
pris par le commandement du Roy, en Tan 1555. 

10. La Floride ou THistoire merveilleuse de ce qui est aduvenu 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Lauisiane 23 

au dernier voyage du Capitaine Jean Ribaut, enterpris 
par le commandement du Roy, a Tlsle des Indes que 
vulgairement on appelle la Floride. 
11. La reprinse de la Floride par le capitaine Gourgue. 
M. French, dans la deuxieme partie de son * 'Historical 
collection of Louisiana," a traduit en anglais les pieces 
Nos. 3 et 4, cidesus relates mais sans prevenir ses lec- 
teurs qu'il en 6tait redevable a M. Ternaux Campans. 
Le second volume de M. Ternaux relatif a la Floride (la 
7e. de la collection) est intitule: 
13. Relations et naufrages d'Alvar Nunez, Cabeca de la Vaca, 
public k Valladolid en 1555 et traduite pour la premiere fois 
en Frangais. 

Void comment M. Ternaux Campans s*exprime dans sa preface 
au sujet de Cabeca de la Vaca: 

''La relation de la Floride nous fait connaitre la position exacte, 
les moeurs et les coutumes d*un grand nombre de peuplades qui 
n'existent plus aujourdhui; renseignements d'autant plus pre- 
deux pour nous, que quelques annis apres les Frangais, tenterent 
a plusieurs reprises, de former un itablissement dans ce pays. 
La veracite du recit de Cabeca, est confirm^ par Herrera, et par 
tous les htsioriens espagnols, Ilfut certainement un homme d'une 
grande inergie et son voyage d travers le continent septentrional 
de VAmirique, est une des entreprises les plus hcsardeuses qui 
jamais aient iti tentis. 

la relation de la Vaca commence en 1527 et se termine en 1537, 
Spoque de son retour a Lisbonne, 2e. Epoque. 


Ouvrages publics depuis Inoccupation de la Louisiane 
par les Frangais. 

^ • Marquette (le Pfere) Jfeuite. Decouvertes de quelques pays et 
nations de TAmerique septentrionale. 9te. Paris, Michallet, 
petit in 4o. de 43 pages. 1681. 

Cest le journal que fit le phe Marquette de son voyage avec le 
sieur Joliet lorsqu'ils dicouvrirent le Mississippi en 1673. II 
J)arut pour la premiirefois dans le Recueil des voyages de Thive- 
not, et n' avail pas iti riimprimi depuis, lorsqu'en 1845 M. Rich, 

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24 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

auteur de la Btbltotheca Americana, en fit fatre un ttrage a 125 

Ce journal A eiatt tradmt en anglais et placi d la suite de Vouvrage 
du P. Hennequm dans Vedition de Londres de 1699. On en 
trouvera le titre au No. 19. 

M. French {voir No.) a egalement traduit cette relation et Va 
inserie dans le 2e. volume de sa Collection Historique, Pages 
280 a 297. 

Malgri la criduhte du pere Marquette, la simplicite et la naiveti 
desonrecit attachent le lecteur et Vmteressent. La carte qui accom- 
pagne cette relation est la premiire qui ait iti publii sur le cours 
du Mississippi. Elle avail iti dressi sur les indications des 
Indiens et servit aux voyageurs dans leur exploration. 

Dans le dixieme volume de son American Biography, M. Sparks 
a consacri un asset long article au pire Marquette et d Joliet, 
nous renvoyons nos lecteurs a cet excellent ouvrage publii d Boston 
de 1835 a 1848 en 15 volumes m 12. 

15. Leclerq (le pftre Chrestien) Missionnaire recollet. Premier 
etablissement de la foy dans la nouvelle France et les pre- 
mieres dScouvertes faites depuis le fleuve St. Laurent, la 
Louisianne et le fleuve Colbert jusqu'au golphe Mexique. 
Paris, Auroy, 2 vols, in 12 de 559 et 458 pages. 1691. 

Cet ouvrage n*a iti ni traduit en anglais, ni riimprimi depuis sa 
publication aussi est-il difficile de se le procurer. Toutefois il 
n*offre d'intirit, relativement a Vhistoire de la Louisiane que par 
Vinsertion faite par le pere Leclerq, dans les chapitres xxii et 
xxiii de son ouvrage, du journal du pire Zenobe Membre, Mis- 
sionnaire recollet qui accompagmit La Salle dans son premier 
voyage; et dans le chapitre xxiv de celui du pire Anasthase Douay, 
autre missionnaire recollet qui faisait partie de la seconde expe- 
dition de la Salle et quifut timoin oculaire de sa mort. Ainsi que 
nous le dirons ci-apres le pire Hennepin a egalement insiri ce 
dernier Journal dans Vouvrage indiqui sous leNo. 18. 

Les relations de phes Zenobe et Anastase ont toujours passi pour 
etre trisfidUes. Dans le proces verbal de prise de possession de la 
Louisiane par La Salle, publii -pour la premiere fois par M. 
Sparks en 1844, on voit figurer la signature du premier et le ricit 
succtnt insere dans Facte du notaire. La Mitatrie confirme en 
tous points celui du missionaire. 

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Otivrages Public sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 25 

16. Hennepin (le pSre Louis) R6collet. Description de la Louis- 
iane, nouvellement dficouverte au Sud Quest de la Nouvelle 
France, par ordre du Roy. (d6dife a Louis xiv.) Carte in 12o. 
Paris, Hur6 312 pages. Description et 107 Moeurs des Sau- 
vages. 1683. 
Ce fut le premier pubhi par le pire Hennepin, il riy mentionne 
nulle part le fait d'avoir descendu le Mississippi depuis la 
riviire des Illinois, ou il quitta La Salle. En autre, la carte qui 
est jointe a son line, est la demonstration la plus complete que ce 
missionnatre n'a pas dit la vhiti en se vantant dans sa seconde 
relation d'avoir pficide La Salle et reconnu, avant lui, Vem- 
bouchure du fleuve. 

Les deux outrages dont on trouvera les litres d la suite de celui-ci, 
ne doivent etre consideris que comme des amplifications du premier 
et comme des speculations de librairie inspiris par le succes qui 
V avail accueilli a son apparition, 

17. Nouvelle decouverte d'un pays plus grand que L'Europe, 
situe dans rAm&ique entre le Nouveau M6xique et le mer 
glaciale; d6di6e a Guillaume iii Roy d'Angleterre, 2 cartes 
et fig. in 12 Leyde 604 pages et Table. 1697, 

18. Nouveau Voyage d'un pays plus grand que TEurope avec des 
reflexions des entreprises du sieur de la Salle sur les mines de 
Ste. Barbe. D^difee a Guillaume iii Roy d'Angleterre. Fig. 
Carte in 12o. Utrecht 389 pages. 1698. 
Cest en s'appropriant la relation du pire Anastase Douay 
missionnaire recollet, qui avail accompagne La Salle dans sa 
derniire expedition, que le pere Hennepin a compose ce dernier 

Les libraires de Hollande ont donni de nombreuses editions dans 
les formats in 4o, et 12o. des ouvrages du pere Hennepin dont ils 
ont diversifie les litres. La seconde relation de ce religieux a ete 
traduite dans presque toutes les langues de VEurope. Voici le 
k litre de la traduction anglaise dans laquelle on d reuni les deuxieme 
et troisieme ouvrages de pere Hennepin: 

19. New Discovery of a vast cotmtry in America, extending above 
four thousand miles between New France and New Mexico, to 
which are added several new discoveries in North America, not 
published in the French edition. Both parts in one volume 8o. 
Maps and plates. London 240 et 216 pages. 1699. 

*Le pire Hennepin avail ete fort lie avec M. de la Salle et V avail 

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26 The Louisiana Historical Qtiarterly 

suivi aux Illinois (Tou il Venvoya, avec le sieur Dacan, remorUer 
le Mississippi. Cest le voyage qu*il a dicrit dans son premier 
ouvrage dont le litre n'est pas juste, car le pays qu'il decouvrit en 
remontant ce fleuve depuis la nvtere des Illinois jusqu'au sault 
St. Antome, n'est pas de la Louisiana mais de la Nouvelle 
France. Le litre du second ouvrage ne Vest davantage, car si loin 
qu'on ait remonti le Mississippi, on a encore ite bien eloigni de la 
mer Glacial. Lorsque Vauteur publia cette "seconde relation, il 
etait brouilU avec M. de la Salle. II par ait mime quHl avail de- 
fense de retourner en Amirique et que ce fut le chagrin qu'il en 
concut, qui le porta d s'en alter en Hollande ou ilfit imprimer son 
troisihme ouvrage. II n'y decharge pas seulement son chagrin 
sur la Salle, il fait encore retomber sur la France dont il se pri- 
tendait maltraiti et croit sauver son honneur en declarant qu*il 
etait ni sujet du roi catholique. Mais il aurait du se souvenir 
que c' etait au frais de la France et que c' etait au fiom du roi trds 
Chretien que lui et le sieur Dacan avaient pris possession des 
pays quHls Qvaient dicouverts. II ne craignait mime pas d'avancer 
que c' etait avec Vagrement du roi catholique, son premier souve- 
rain, qu'il dediait son livre au roi d'Angleterre Guillaume III, 
et qu'il solicitait ce monarque d faire la conquete de ces vastes 
regions, a y envoy er des colons etdy faire prkher Vevangile au infi- 
deles, demarche qui scandilisa les catholiques etfit rire les protestants 
memes, surpris de voir un religieux qui se disait missionnaire 
et notaire apostolique, exhorter un prince Mritique d fonder une 
eglise dans le nouveau monde.** 

Je terminerai ces notes sur les trois ouvrages du pere Hennepin 
en rapportant lesjugements de M. M. Sparks et Falconer: 
** Hennepin accompanied La Salle to the Illinois and there parted 
from him. His account of the Mississippi south of this river is a 
mere fabrication." 

20. Tonti (le chevalier) Gouvemeur du fort St. Louis aux Illinois. 
Demieres decouvertes dans TAmerique Septentrional de M. 
de la Salle. Paris, Jean Guignard in 12o. 1597. 
Cet ouvrage d iti reimprime plusieurs fois en Hollande soi4s le 
litre de Relations de la Louisiane et du fleuve Mississippi. II a 
eti tr adult en anglais et est intituU: 

21. Account of Mons. de la Salle's last expedition and discoveries 
in North America, published by the Chevalier Tonti. Lx)n- 
don 8o. ' 1698. 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 27 

Le pire Charlevoix et apres lui plusieurs icrivains ont pretendu 
que Vouvrage de Tonti eiait apochryphe et aurait iti4esavoues par 
lui, Des fautes d'impression, des inexactitudes dans certaines 
dateSy quelques on dit rapportis irop legirement et surtout des 
amplifications de rhitorique dues a Vediteur, ne sont pas des 
preuvis suffisantes pour adopter Vopinion de Charlevoix^ qui, 
ecrivant d'ailleur un demi stkle apres Tonti aurait eu peine a 
recueillir de lui un pareil disaveu. Mais, en lisant Tonti il n'est 
pas difficile de se rendre compte des causes du jugement mal- 
veillant dont il d iti victime. Un pretre missionnaires le frtre 
de la Salle, V avail honteusement trompe et Tonti en publiant sa 
mauvaise action, s'etait attiri la colere et le resentiment des robes 
grises et noires. Le pere Hennepin de son coti refuse a Tonti 
jusqu'au courage et jusqu*a la fermete dont il d donni les preuvis 
les plus eclatantes et qui sont etablii par les rapports officiels 
des gouvemeurs de Canada. M. Falconer dans un outrage dont 
nous rendrons compte ci apres, a publii pour la premitre fois en 
1844 la traduction de plusieurs manuscrits provenant de Tonti et 
il s'exprime ainsi sur Vouvrage dont nous venoms de donner le 
tttre, .**this has hitherto been the chief authority respecting the 
voyage down the Mississippi. But Charlevoix says that Tonti 
disavowed the publication, declaring that it did him no honour in 
any particular. 

Mr. Bancroft calls it: **A legend full of geographical contradic- 
dictions, of confused dates, and manifest fiction.'* 

And Mr. Sparks {see No ) speaks of it: *'As a work not 

to be trusted as a record of historical facts and that it is probable 
that Tonti s notes fell into the hands of a writer in Paris, who 
held a ready pen and was endowed with a most fertile imagina- 
tion and that he infused his own invention so copiously into the 
text of Tonti, that the task would now be utterly hopeless of se- 
lecting the true from the false, except so far as any particular 
passage may be confirmed by other authorities.'* In this volume 
{of Mr. Falconer) the narrative of Tonti for the first time appears 
in its original form. It confirms the accuracy of the remarks of 
Mr. Sparks, respecting the great and extravagant additions that 
were made to it in the published work, in which events were 
transposed, geographical descriptions misplaced, and at the last 
two-thirds of fiction added. It is therefore, needless to point out 
what portion of it, the original narrative does not confirm. But 
the errors of date in the published work are to be found tn the 
original Thus 1679 is written by mistake for 1680 {page 63), 

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28 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

the File Dieu in June, 1681, is placed in October {page 61\ 
June, 1683 for 1682 {page 74). And these mistakes run through- 
out the narrative, though the facts appear to be recited in then 
proper order. All that was known of de Tonti reflected the highest 
honour on him. He must be ranked next to La Salle, among 
those who contributed to the extension of the Western settlement of 
Canada, and to his bold and repeated excursions down the Mis- 
sissippi, the successful expedition of d' Iberville must be ascribed. 
Whatever doubt the failure of the first expedition to the Gulf a) 
Mexico may have produced in Fiance, must have been removed 
by the information obtained through his courageous efforts to 
save his countrymen. His memory has suffered, for nearly a 
century and a half, under the reproach '*of his want of veracity 
and from this it will be hereafter exempt.'' 

S'il etait necessaire de donner une autre preuve de ce que dit 
M. Falconer, on la trouverait dans le passage suivant extrait du 
Journal de la Harpe, page 9 sous la date de Mars, 1699: 

"M. d* Iberville Stait incertain s'il etait dans le fleuve du Mis- 
sissippi, n'y ayant trouvi aucune nation dont M. de la Salle 
avail fait mention; ce qui venait de ce que lesTangibaos avaient 
its detruits par les Quinipissas et que ces derniers avaient pris le 
nom de Mongoulachas. II eut une grande satisfaction de ce 
que M. de Bienville, en cherchant le breviere du pere Anasthase 
qui V avail igari trouva dans un panier de ces sauvages quelques 
paires d' hemes, sur lesquels etaient les ecrit les noms de plusieurs 
Canadiens du detachement de feu M. de la Salle, et une lettre 
qui etait addressepar M. le Chevalier de Tonti; ilydisait qu' ayant 
appris par le Canada son depart pour la France, pour former 
V etablissement de ce fleuve, il V avail descendu jusqu'a la mer 
avec vingt Canadiens et trenie Chaouanons, sauvages des environs 
deVOuabache. Cesnouvelles leverent entterement le doute et con- 
firmirent la situation de Ventre du Mississippi par 29 degres. 
On trouva aussi chez ces nations un corset d'armes a double 
mailles de fil d*archal qui avail appartenu a Fernando de Soto, 

22. Lahontan (le Baron de). Nouveau voyages dans TAmerique 
Septentrionale avec un petit dictionnaire de la langue des 
Hurons, Amsterdam 2 vols, in 12 ,cartes et planches. 1703. 
Plusieurs editions de ce livre ont eie publics en Hollande de 
1703 a 1735. II a ite traduit en allemand, en espagnol et en 
anglais. Void le litre de cette dernier e traduction: 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride ei VAncienne Louisiane 29 

23. New Voyages to North America containing an account of the 
several nations of that vast continent; a geographical descrip- 
tion of Canada and a dictionary of the Algoi^ine language 
by Baron Lahontan, Lieut, of Placentia in New Foundland. 
Maps and plates. 2 vol. in 8o. London. 1703 to 1735. 

Dans voyages de Lahontan, il n'y a que son excursion a la rivUre 
Umgue (St. Pierre) qui att trait & la Louisiane. Cette relation 
est faite dans la lettre xvi de son livre. Charlevoix traite rude- 
ment le Baron de Lahontan qui, de son coti, n'a pas manqui une 
seule occasion de lancer des sarcasmes sur les jesuites et les 
ricollets. Cest sans doute, a ses idis tres avances pour Vepoque 
et a son style sans gene que Lahontan a du Vangouement dont il 
a ete Tobjet; car tlfaut le reconneitre, le hableur perce trop souvent 
dans ses narrations. Void le jugement que parte Boucher de la 
Richarderie sur les voyages de Lahontan: 
**Dans un temps ou, comme Vobserve Vedtteur de ce voyage, les 
relations du Canada et des pays adjacents, presque toutes redjgis 
par des missionnatres ne presentaient guere qu'un detail de 
messes, de miracles, de conversions, celle de Lahontan qui, a des 
fails authentiques, milait des fictions agreables, quoique icriles 
d'un style dur et barbare, tel qu bon devatt Vattendre d*un soldat 
de fortune, dut eti accuetlhe avec une certatne faveur. Ce qu'ti y 
avatt de conforme d la virtte dans le voyage, dut en tmposer sur 
se qu'tl contenatt de fabuleux; et des grands krtvatns d*une 
grande reputation tels que Montesquieu, le client avec confiance. 
Des relations posterieures onl devoile tous les difauts qu'on re- 
proche avec justice a Lahontan. On a reconnu qu*il avail freque- 
meni alteri les fails, que presque tous les noms propres des iieux 
el des peuples etaienl corrompus et qu*il avail mime jeti dans sa 
narration des episodes absolument fabuleuses.'* 

24. Joutel. Journal historique du dernier voyage que feu M. de la 
Salle fit dans le golfe de Mexique pour trouver Tembouchure 
et le cours de la rivi&re de Mississippi, nomm6 § present la 
Riyiere de St. Louis qui traverse la Louisiane. in 12 carte. 
Paris. Etienne Robinot. 386 pages. 1713. 
Get ouvrage a ele Iraduil en anglais sous le litre suivanl: 

25. A Journal of the last voyage performed by Mons. de la Salle 
to the Gulf of Mexico to find out the mouth of the Mississippi 
river, by M. Joutel. Map in 8o. 209 pages. London. 1714. 
Les peres Zenobe Membre et Anaslhase Douay, missionnaires 
ricollets et Joutel, on raconti les premiers les diverses expedi- 

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3(J The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

ttons atnst que la fin malheureuse du brave et tnfortuni la Salle; 
Mats c'est & M. Sparks que nous devons une htstotre complete 
de sa vie, 11 est d regretter que ce monument ilevi d la memotre 
de la Salle, ne rait pas iti par une matnfrangatse; toutefotsje ne 
serai pas seul d temotgner ma gratitude a M. Sparks pour son 
ouvrage et je crots qu*elle sera partagi par tous ceux de mes 
compatrwtes, jaloux de la gloire de leur pays, 
Joutel rendu d'tmportants services d la Salle auquel il se montra 
toujours divoui. Son journal est plein d'lntiret et par ait ecrit avec 
sinceritL II n'a pas ete riimprimi et est devenu fort rare, aussi 
bien enfrangais qu'en anglais. Cest avec raison que M, Falconer 
a icrit: 

''The fullest account of La SalWs second expedition was written 
by Joutel. He was more fortunate in his editor than de Tonti. His 
narrative may be most implicitly relied on, even in the few particu- 
lars in which he differs from father Anasthase. His account of 
Texas is brief, and yet he tells almost all that any other than a 
scientific traveller could relate of its flat lands, open prairie, and 
narrow belts of timber on the borders of its rivers. Any person 
who has visited that country, will admit that he told itothing but 
what he actually saw of it, and on this account, indepedently of 
other reasons, will readily trust his relation of personal facts.'* 

26. Bernard de la Harpe. Journal historique (de 1698 a 1720) de 
TEtablissement des Francais a la Louisiane. 

Cet ouvrage n'a ete imprime qu'en 1831 et d paru d laNouvelle 
Orleans en 1 vol. in 8o. sur Vune des copies manuscrites qui 
circulaient a la Louisiane a cette epoque. Les renseignements 
que la Harpe nous a transmis sont on ne peut plus precieux. 
Son livre ainsi que celui de Dumont continuent le journal de 
Joutel. Cest du journal de la Harpe que M. M. Stoddard et 
Darby ont tiri leur description de la Louisiane d cette ipoque. 

27. A full and impartial account of the Company of Mississippi 
otherwise called the French East India Company, projected 
and settled by M. Law and others. London 8o. 1720. 
Cette brochure de 79 pages publiee en anglais et en frangais est 
Vhistoire de V etablissement de la Compagnie des Indes occiden- 
tales et de la Banque de Law. Elle enumere les avantage^ incroy- 
ables qui devaient en risulter pour les actionnaires en particulier 
et pour tous les frangais en geniral. Elle renferme aussi une 
description de la Louisiane. Je recommanderai aux persons qui 
desiraient s'eclairer sur cette epoque, un livre publii en 1853, 

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncimne Louisiane 31 

chez Hachette et Cie. sous ce Hire: {Law et son ipoque), dont M. 
Cochut est Vauteur. Cet ouvrdge est ausst curieux qu'interessant 
pour Vhistoire de la Louisiane, puisque, c'est a la criation de 
la Compagnie du Mississippi que la Nouvelle Orleans doit sa 

28. De risle (Guillaume) Gtographe du Roi. Sa lettre § Cassini 
sur la carte de la Louisiane et sur rembouchure du Mississippi 
insere dans le Recueil des voyages au nord, vol. 3e. Amster- 
dam. . 1715. 
Les deux cartes de G. de VIsle, Vune des pays baignes par le got} 
du Mixique, publii en 1703, et V autre de la Louisiane qui d 
paru en 1712, sont indispensables pour V intelligence des premiers 
ouvrages ecrits sur cette contri et sur les pays adjacents. Elles 
ont fait longtemps autoriti pour leur exactitude, fai loint a ces 
notes une troistime carte, celle de la Nouvelle France, publii 
egalement en 1703. 

29. Bernard (J. F.) Litterateur et Libraire d'Amsterdam. Recueil 
de voyages au nord contenant divers memoires utiles au com- 
merce et § la navigation et im grand nombrede cartes. Amster- 
dam. In 12c. 

Une premiere edition en 4 volumes a paru en 1715. 

Une seconde augiiient^ de 4 volumes en 1724. 

Et enfin ime troisieme public in 1735 est en 10 volumes. 

On trouvera dans ce recuetl relativement la Louisiane: Dans le 

vol. Hi, la lettre de de risk a Cassini sur la carte de la Louisiane; 

Dans le vol. v.. Relation de la Louisiane par un offtcier de marine; 

Relation de la Louisiane et du fleuve Mississippi par le Chevalier 

de Tonti. 

Voyage en un pays plus grand que VEurope, par Hennepin 

(sa 3e. publication.) 

Dans le vol. ix. Relation des Natchez par le pire Le Petit, 


Decouverte d'un pays plus grand que VEurope, par Hennepin. 

(sa 2e. publication.) 

Cet inter essant recueil, dit Boucher de Richarderie, *'se trouve 

assez rarement complet. On y trouve des notions precieuses sur 

les animaux du Spitzberg, des relations de Groenland, de VIslande 

de Terre neuve et de la Calif ornie; le recit des premieres tentatives 

faites pour trouver un passage du nord et aux Indes; plusieurs 

voyages en Tartarie et au Japon, avec d'excellentes observations 

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32 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

sur les habitants de ces contrees; un voyage de Moscou a la Chine, 
des memoires sur ce vaste efnpire, des relations tres itendues sur 
la Louisiane; enfin un memoire fort curieux sur la porcelaine." 

30. Bacqueville de la Poth6rie. Histoire de TAmerique septen- 
trional, contenent le voyage du fort de Nelson dans la baie de 
Hudson a Textremite de TAmerique, le premier etablissement 
des Francais dans ce vaste pays, la prise du dit fort de Nelson; 
la description du fleuve de St. Laurent, le gouvemement de 
Quebec, des trois riviferes et de Mont Real depuis 1534 jusqu*s 
1701; rhistoire des peuples allies de la nouvelle France, leurs 
moeurs, leurs maximes, et leurs intferets avec toutes les 
nations des lacs superieurs, tels que sont les Hurons et les 
Illinois, Talliance faite avec les Francais et ces peuples, la 
possession de tous ces pays au nom du Roi et tout ce qui 
s'est passe de plus remarquable sous Messieurs de Tracy, de 
Prontenac, de la Barre et de Denonville; Thistoire des Iroquois, 
leurs moeurs, leurs maximes, leur gouvemement, leurs int^rets 
avec les Anglais, leurs allies, tous les mouvements de guerre 
depuis 1689 jusqu'en 1701, leurs negotiations, leurs ambassades, 
pour la paix genferale avec les Frangais et les peuples allies de la 
nouvelle France, Thistoire des Abenaquis, la paix g6n6rale 
dans toute TAmerique septentrionale sous le gouvemement 
de M. de Frontenac et M. le chevalier de Calliferes pendant 
laquelle des nations eloignes de six cents lieus de Quebec 
s'assembl&rent a Mont Real. Paris. Nyon et Didot, cartes et 
figures 4 volumes in ^2o. 1722 et 1752. 
Le litre qui pricidi donne un apercu sufftsant de Vouvrage. Bacque- 
ville a decrit le premier d'une maniire exacte, les etablissements 
desFrangais a Quebec, a Mont Real aux Trois Rivieres; tl a fatt 
connaitre surtout dans un grand ditail et en jetant dans sa narra- 
tion beaucoup d*interSt les moeurs, les usages, les maxtmes^la 
forme du gouvemement, la maniere de faire la guerre et de con- 
trader des alliances de la nation Iroquois, si cilibre dans cette 
partie de VAmerique septentrionale. Boucher de la Rtcharderie. 

31. Marest (Le p&re Gabriel) missionnaire. Lettre 6crite des 
Illinois en 1712, insere dans le Recueil xi des lettres edifiantes 
in 12o. 

32. Rasle (le Pfere) Missionnaire Jesuite. Deux lettres 6crites des 
Illinois, inserts dans le Recueil des Lettres Mifiantes, edition 
in 12o. vol. 17 et 23. 1722-1723. 
Le ptre Sebastien Rasle avail passe plus de vingt ans avec les 

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Ouvrages Publies sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 33 

sauvageSj dont il avail iti le tnailre et le compagnon; il les avail 
rSunis en nn village florissant aulour d'une iglise qui s'eleve 
grdcieusemenl sur les bords du Kennebec chiri de son troupeau. 
II gouvernail palemellement sa mission. En 1720 le Gouverne- 
ment de la nouvelle Angleterre s^etait empare par la ruse de 
plusieurs chefs Abinakis et les retenait en dtage. Quoique la 
rancon demandi pour les mettre en liberie eut eti payi, il con- 
tinuait d les tenir captifs. Les Abinakis tninacerent alors les 
Anglais d'exercer des represailles. Au lieu d'entrer en negotia- 
tions les Anglais se saisirent du jeune Saint Castin qui tenait 
d la fois une commission de la France et exercait comme fits 
d*une mere abanaquise, le commandement sur les sauvages. Its 
voulaient en mime temps forcer les Abinakis a leur hvrer le pere 
Rasle. Mais n'ayant pu reussir a les persuader ils envoyerent 
un corps considerable charge de surprendre le missionnaire. Les 
guerriers etaient absent du village, le pire eut neamoins le temps 
de se sauver dans les bois avec les veillards et les malades; et les 
Anglais ne trouverent que ses papters. En 1723 les Anglais 
dirigirent une nouvelle expedition contre les Abinakis et mirent 
le feu au village. lis essayerent vatnement d deux reprises 
differentes de se saisir du pire Rasle. Enfin, le 23 aout 1724, les 
anglats arrivirent d Vimproviste et firent une decharge de mous- 
queterie contre le village avant qu'on les eut apercus. II y avail, 
environ cinquante guerriers dans la place. Chacun saisit ses armes 
et tous sortirent moins pour combattre que pour protgier lafuite de 
leursfemmes et leurs enfants. Rasle d qui leurs crisfit comprendre 
le danger, s'elanca au dehors pours sauver son troupeau, en 
attirant sur lui seul l* attention des assaillants. Son espoir nefut 
point decu. Accabli d'une grile de balles il tomba au pied d*une 
grande croix qu'tl avail planti au milieu du village. Sept 
sauvages restis, avec lui pirirent a ses cotis. 
M. Bancroft dans son histoire des Etats Urns s'expnme ainsi, 
au sujet des missionnaires: Les missionnaires etaient heureux 
des souffrances qu'ils enduraient pour la gloire de leur divin 
mattre; ils obtenaieni en merne temps et sans la rechercher une 
gloire immortelle aux yeux de la poster ite par leur travaux et leur 
infatigable perseverance. En effet d quelles riguers, a quels dangers 
ne s'exposait pas le missionnaire du cote de la nature et des 
hommes en se rendant au milieu des sauvages. Luttant chaque 
jour contre les aspirites du climat, frayant son chemin sur les 
eaux ou la neige, privi de toutes les douceurs du foyer domestique, 
n'ayant d' autre patn que du mais broye sous la pierre et souvent 

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34 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

d'autre nourriture que la mousse dilittre qui croissait sur les 
rocherSy il s'exposait d vivre, pour ainsi dire sans manger, d 
dormir sans asile, d voyager au loin au milieu des dangers, pret 
a subir chaque jour toutes les horreurs de la faim de la capttviti, 
ou de la mort, qu'il la recut d'un coup de tomahawk ou au milieu 
des tortures dufeu et des supplices inventus par les sauvages.*' 
Abb6 Brasseur, Histoire du Canada. 

30. Charlevoix (le pSre) J6suite. Journal d'lin voyage fait par 
ordre du Roi dans la Louisiane en 1721 et 1722 addresse a la 
Duchesse de Lesdiguifere, dans une serie de lettres. 

Forme les volumes v. et vi. de Tedition in 12o. ou le vol. iii 
Tedition in 4o. de son Histoire de la Nouvelle France. (Voir 
ci aprfes no. 43) a 6te traduit en anglais sous ce titre: 
Voyage to Canada and travels through that vast country and 
Louisiana to the Gulph of Mexico. 2 vol. 8o. Maps. Lon- 
don. 1761, 1763, 1766. 
Avant depublier son grand outrage sur le Nouvelle France Charle- 
voix fut envoyi en Amerique par le Due dVrleans, alors rSgent, 
pour y recueillir sur place tous les renseignements, et y reunir 
tours les documents dont il devaitfaire usage pari* a sutte. Aussi 
trouve-ton dans ses ecriis ce que Von chercherait vainement 

31. Lafitau (le p^re) J6suite. Moeurs des sauvages ameriquains 
compares aux moeurs des premiers temps, ouvrage enrichi de 
grand nombre de figures en taille douce, 2 vols, in 4o. Paris. 
Le mSme ouvrage 4 vol. in 12. 1724. 
Vauteur de cet ouvrage qui avatt reside longtemps parmi les 
diverses peuplades de la Nouvelle France en decrit avec soin les 
moeurs, les coutumes et la religion, Aussi, dit Charlevoix, c'est 
Vouvrage le meilleur et le plus exact que nous ayons sur de sujet. 
Le pere Lafitau possedait une connaissance approfondie de 
Vantiquiti et le parallele qu*il Stablit entre les anciens peuples 
et les Americains est aussi savant qu^ingenieux. 

35. Coxe, (Daniel) of New Jersey. Description of the English 
province of Carolina, by the Spaniards called Florida and by the 
French la Louisiane. London. Map, 8o. 50 pages. Preface. 
122 descriptions. 1722. 

Reprinted several times. 

Ce livre respire d*un bout a V autre, la jalousie la plus passionni, 
contre la nation frangaise et d ce titre c*est un specimen pricieux 

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Ouvrages Public sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 35 

de ce que les ptijugis peuvent enfanier de haine entre deux pen- 
pies. Malgre les affirmations reitteris de Dr. Coxe d' exploration 
premiire, on sera grandement tentide croire qu'il a compose son 
ecrit a Vaide de ceux du pire Hennepin et de Lahonian. II 
reproduit les billevesis du premier relativement a une communi- 
cation courte et facile avec la Chine par le Mississippi et copie 
le second dans sa description de la Haute Louisiane. 
II est probable que la premiire edition de Vouvrage du Dr. Coxe 
est anterieure a 1722, premiere edition indiqui par Warden, car 
on trouve a la fin de la traduction anglaise des voyages du pire 
Hennepin public d Londres en 1699 le post-scriptum suivant: 
*7 am informed a large map or draught of this country is prepar- 
ing, together with a very particular account of the natives, their 
customs, religion, commodities and materials for divers sorts of 
manufactures, which are by the English procured at great expense 
from other countries.*' 

Or, il nepouvait etre question que de Vouvrage de Daniel Coxe, dont 
la carte ressemble fort a celle du pere Hennepin publii en Hoi- 
lande en 1698 et un peu a celle de Lahonian parue en 1703. 
II pourrait se faire toutefois que Daniel Coxe ait juge a propos 
de ne publier son livre qu*a Vipoque de la formation de la com- 
pagnie du Mississippi, et quHl n*ait revendique la propriete de la 
Louisiane pour la Grande Bretagne qu'afin de donner de V inquie- 
tude aux actionnaires sur la validiti des litres territoriaux. 
M. French dans sa collection histortque (voir No.) a reimprime 
la description de Del Coxe, mais il en a supprimi la preface qui 
est cependant la partie la plus curieuse de ce livre. A la premiire 
page de la reproduction de M. French, on lit la note suivante: 
The account of Louisiana has been very carefully drawn up from 
Memoirs and Journals kept by various persons sent into the 
Valley of Mississippi, by D. Coxe. The expedition fitted out by 
him, consisting of two ships, commanded by Cap. Barr, were the 
first to sail up the Mississippi {1598). 

Je ne ferai pas d M. French le reproche d* avoir donni une date 
pour une autre, faime mieux croire que c'est une faute typo- 
graphique. Toutefois je retablirai la veriti la verte en citant 
le passage de la preface de M. Coxe, extrait de I* edition public a 
Londres en 1727, que fai sous les yeux: 
'"The vast trouble and expense (those two great impediments of 
public good) the said proprietor has undergone to effect all this 
(the discovery of Louisiana) will scarcely be credited, for he not 

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36 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

only, at his sole charge, for several years established and kepi up 
a correspondence with the governor and chief Indian traders in all 
the English colonies on the continent of America, employed 
many people on discoveries by land to the west, north and south 
of this vast extent of ground, but likewise in the year 1698 he 
equipped and fitted out two ships, provided with abundance of 
arms, ammunition, etc., not only for the use of those on board 
and for discoveries by sea, but also for building a fortification 
and settling a colony by land', there bein^ in both vessels besides 
sailors and common men, above thirty English and French volun- 
teers, some noblemen, and all gentlemen. One of these vessels 
discovered the mouths of the great and famous river Meschacebe, 
or, as termed by the French Mississippi, entered and ascended it 
above one hundred miles (jusqu'au detour des anglais) and had 
perfected a settlement therein tf the captain of the other ship had 
done his duty and not deserted them. They howsoever, took possession 
of this country in the King's name and left m several places the 
arms of Great Britain affixed on boards and trees for a memorial 
thereof. And here I cannot forbear taking notice that this was the 
first ship that ever entered into that river from the sea, or thai 
perfectly discovered or described its several mouths m opposition 
to the boasts and falsities of the French who m their printed books 
and accounts thereof assume to themselves the honour of both.'* 

Je termmerai cette notice sur Vouvrage de Coxe en citant le 
passage de Vhistoire de la Nouvelle France par le pere Charle- 
voix {vol. Ill, p. 384 de V edition m 12o.) ay ant rapport a cette 
premikre entri des anglais dans le Mississippi: "Af. d' Iberville 
apprit par son frere Bienville, qui itait alter sonder les embouch- 
ures du Mississippi, quau mois de septembre, 1699 une corvette 
anglaise de douze cannons itait entre dans le fleuve et qu'il avail 
diclarS d celui qui Va commandait qiie s*il ne se retirait, il itait 
en etat de Vy contramdre que cette mesure avail euson effet, &a. 

36. Kersland (John Ker de) Diplomate anglais. Memoire sur la 
puissance des Francais a Hispaniola et sur le Mississippi. 
(Forme le 2e. volumes de ses memoires publics k Rotterdam 
en 3 vol. in 12o. avec une carte de la Louisiane). 1727. 

Ce memoire icrit origmairemeni en anglais, mais dont je n*ai 
vu que la traduction, parte la date de 4 Juillet 1721 ; il a done paru, 
atnsi que le factum de Daniel Coxe, a Vepoque de la formation de 
la Compagnie du Mississippi organise par Law avec Vappuis 
du Regent. Cest le mime esprit de jalousie et d'hostiliti contre la 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louistane 37 

France qui a tnsptri Vauieur. Apres avoir donni une descrtp- 
Hon de la Louistane, de saferitltte, de ses ressources^ de la douceur 
de son cUmat, tl s*efforce de dimontrer a ses concitoyens que la 
puissance frangais ne saurait manquer de se developper au 
milieu de (els element qu'alors tl ne resterait plus de sScurtti pour 
les colonies de la Caroline et de la Virgtnie; que tout etabltssement 
francais permanent sur les bords du Mississippi serait nuisible 
a la Grande Bretagne et il conclut en envitant les ministres anglais 
d prendre des mesures pour expulser les Francais, car, ajoute-til 
''apres avoir affatblt notre commerce par degri dans I'Amertque, 
lis ftntront par detrutre nos colonies,'' 

37. Cadenas, Z. Cano (Gabriel). (pseudonjone de Gonzales 
de Barcia). Ensayo chronologico para la historie 
general de la Florida desde el ano de 1512, que descubrio Ponce 
de Leon hasta el de 1722. Madrid, info. 1723. 

Le nom de Vauteur que porte cet ouvrage est un nom feint, il est 
de Don Andri de Gonzalez de Barcia de Vacademie espagnol, un 
des plus savans hommes de VEspagne. II d compris sous le nom 
de Floride tout le continent et les ties ajacentes de VAmhique 
septentrionale depuis la riviere de Panuco {Tampico) qui borne 
le Mixique a I Orient. II rapporte par anni tout ce qui est 
arrivi dans ces vastes contris depuis 1512 jusqu'en 1722." — 

V ouvrage de Barcia est ecrit avec tmpartialite et tout en revendi- 
quant pour ses compatriots la decourerte du pays, il se sert des 
relations frangaises pour le dicrtre et en donner Vhtstotre. Mar- 
quette, Leclercq, Tonti, Joutel et Hennepin sont cttis par lui 
comme des autoritees auxquelles tl se refhe. 
Uensayo chronologico conttent en entier la relation du docteur 
Solis de las Meras, beaupere de Menendez qui prit le fart de la 
Caroline en 1563 et fut Vordonnateur du massacre dont nous 
avons park au No. 4. Inutile de dire que la version de Meras 
ne resemsle en rien d celle de Laudonniire. M. Ternaux Campans 
nous a donne la traduction de cette relation dans V ouvrage indiqui 
sous le No. 12. Des Vannee 1688 les Espagnols avaient eti 
avertis de la presence des Frangais d la Louisiane. Void le pas- 
sage de Barcia (p. 287) qui y d rapport: 
Rafael Huitz, ingles, prisoniero, aseguro al governador de la 
Habana, estar poblados los franceses en el seno Mexicano, afirm- 
ando avia estado en su poblacion de que daba muy larga noticia; 
dispachole en una fragata a la Vera Cruz bien asegurado ando 

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38 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

cuanto al conde de la Monclava; el qual luego que recibio las 
cartas, llatnod don AndrSs de Pes que llevo el ingles a Mexico y 
en su presencia y de otros, bolvio d su examinado y dijo el mtsmo: 
determtnose en la juta que se htctesse otro vtage a la casta sep- 
tentrtonale de el seno Mixtcano para reconecer un sttto d que no 
podtan llegar navtos, par el embarago que causavan las muchas 
tslas que tenia delante la tterra firme. El gran rtesgo y dtficultad 
del camtno, y de consequtr al reconoctmtento apartaba de el, a 
todos los cabos; pero conforme el vtrret con don Andres de Pes, 
bolvto este a la Vera Cruz; traiendose el ingles; apresto unafragata 
de la armada de Barlavento, y con una faluca, de 18 ramos (que 
era la que havia de hacer el reconomiento) a 25 de marco 1688, 
se hizo a la vela, llevando por piloto maior a Juan Enriquez Barroto; 
en pocos dtas llego d la baia de Movila (Mobile), donde asegurado, 
lasfragata de los temporales, guarnicio lafaluca, con 25 hombres, 
armas y bastimientos, llevando el ingles y salio d la mar, costeando 
por entre las islas, y tierra firme; a las seis dias llago al rio de la 
Palicado o Mississippi (que ya los franceses llamaban San Luis 
o Colbert), corrio 30 leguas sin hallar nada de loque el ingles 
decia, y reconvenido de los oficiales respondio avia contado lo 
que le aseguraron los franceses en Jamayca, y en la laguma de 
de terminos; hecharon le en prisiones por que no huiese a los 
indios; descanso don Andres alii dos dias; y paso al Puerto donde 
esiaba la fragata, y metiendo en ella la faluca, se hizo d la vela. 
Entro a 10 de maio en la Vera Cruz, traiendo diario de todo 
sucededido; y con el,y la descripcion que Barroto hizo, paso don 
Andres, a Mexico; hizose causa de pirata al ingles, y ^e le hecho 
a, por este fraude. 

38. Relation de la Louisiana ou Mississippi, 6crite a une dame par 
un officier de marine. Publiee pour la premiere fois en Hol- 
lande dans la collection de Bernard in 12o. en 1724. 
// est probable que c'est la meme qui parut a Rouen en 1721, sous 
le nom du chevalier de Bom epos et qui, plus tard, en 1768, fut 
reimprime sous ce litre: 

Journal d'un voyage fait a la Louisiane en 1720 par M 

capitaine de vaisseau du Roi, in 12o. 
Le pere Charlevoix en rendant compte de cette relation, dit: 
''Vauteur etait un fort honnete homme et qui ne rapporte que ce 
qu'il d vu ou appris sur les lieux; mais il n'a pas eu le temps de 
sHnstruire beaucoup de la nature du pays encore mains de this- 
toire de la Colonies 

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 39 

Gn pent ajouter que cet offtcier de marine commandait le vaisseau 
sur lequel se trouvait le pere Laval, envoye par le Regent pour 
relever les cotes de la Louisiane et que Vofficier et le religieux ne 
firent qu'un ires court sejour d risk Dauphine et n'entrerent 
meme pas dans le Mississippi. 

39. Laval (le p&re) J6suite. Voyage fait a la Louisiane par ordre 
du Roi en 1720 dans lequel sont trait6es diverses matiferes de 
physique, d'astronomie, de geographie, de marine &a. fig. et 
cartes. Paris, in 4o. 1728. 
En meme temps que le Regent envoyait Charlevoix au Canada, il 
chargeait le p^e Laval d*une mission scientifique dans le golphe 
du Mixique pour reconnaitre le littoral de la Louisiane et de la 
Flortde et fixer la position exacte de ses principaux points. II 
s'embarqua sur une petite division navale qui portrait des vivres 
et des colons a VIsle Dauphine', mais une maladie epidemique 
qm sevit sur les equipages forca le commandant d retourner en 
France et d ne sejourner que fort peu de temps a la Louisiane. 
Ce commandant d donnS le journal de son voyage {Voir No. 38). 
Quant au pere Laval, son ouvrage est purement scientifique et 
depourvu d'tnteret sous le rapport historique. 

40. Le Petit (le p^re) missionnaire Jfesuite. Lettre ecrite de la 
Nouvelle Orleans au mois de Juillet 1730 et adress6e au p&re 

Cette lettre a ete insert dans le vol. xx du Recueil des Lettres 
Edtfiantes, edition in dans le ix. volume de la collection des 
voyages au nord. 

Le pere Le Petit raconte en detail Vaitaque soudaine des Natchez 
contre le poste frangais etabli pres de leur village, le massacre qui 
enfut la suite. II deciit egalement les moeurs et les coutumes de 
cette nation. La lettre est pleine d*interet d'un bout d Vautre. 

M. Bruzen de la Martini&re Geographe du Roi d'Espagne. Intro- 
duction a I'histoire de TAsie, de TAfrique, et de T Amerique, pour 
servir de suite k Tlntroduction ^ Thistoire du Baron du Pufen- 
dorif, 2 vol. in 12o. Amsterdam. 1735. 

Ce qui concerne la Louisiane se trouve dans le 2e. volume de cet 
ouvrage pages 387 et suivantes. 

42. Catesby's (Mark) . Natural history of Carolina, Florida and the 
Bahama Islands in English and French revised by Edwards 
with Linnaen index. 2 vol. in fo. 220. Fine coloured plates. 
London. 1771. 

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40 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

La premiere edition de cet magnifique ouvrage remonte a 1731. 
II est Ires estime par les naturalistes. Les descriptions de Catesby 
sont fideles et comprennent les vegetaux ei les animaux de la 

43. Charlevoix (le peie de) Jesuite. Histoire et Description gen- 
erate de la Nouvelle France avec le Journal historique d'un 
voyage fait par ordre du Roi dans TAm^rique septentrionale. 
Cartes et plans. Paris. Fiffart. 1744. 
Le meme ouvrage, 6 vol. in 12 cartes et plans. Paris. Didot, 
meme date. 

Pour tous ceux qui ttennent d connattre Vhtstotre de la fondatton 
et du developpement de la puissance francatse dans le Canada 
''t dans la Loutstane.V ouvrage du pere Charlevoix est on ne peut 
plus precieux. Vauteur a non seulement puisi aux meilleures 
sources, mais en outre son talent, comme ecrivam est incontestable. 
II est presque toujours clan, elegant et impartial. Rarement la 
robe du Jesuite mfiue sur les jugements portes par Vhistorien. 
Cette justice lui est rendue mime par les anglais, qui ont ite si 
longtemps nos rivaux dans le Nouveau monde. Avant de donner 
Vhistoire de la nouvelle France, le pire Charlevoix avait publii 
une histoire du Japon et Vhistoire de St. Domingue. II d iti 
longtemps Vun des prmcipaux ridacteurp du Journal de 
Trevoux et t / d terrmne ses travaux par la publication de Vhistoire 
du Paraguay. La maieur partie de ce qui concerne Vhistoire de la 
Louisiane d ite traduit en anglais dans la collection mtituli: 

44. The universal history from the earliest accounts of time, com- 
piled from original authors, with a general index. 66 vol. 8o. 
Maps and cuts. London. 1747 to 1754. 
Le volume 40e. de V edition en anglais contient la Louisiane. Cet 
ouvrage a ete traduit enfrancais avec des additions sous ce litre: 

45. Histoire tmiverselle depuis le commencement du monde 
jusqu'a present composee en anglais par une Socifetes de gens 
de lettres; nouvellement traduite en francais par une Societe 
de gens de lettres, enrichie de figures et de cartes. 126 vol. 8o. 
Paris. 1788. 
Dans cette traduction ce qui concerne la Louisiane, fait partie 
du 117e. volume. 

46. Dimiont de Montigny. Mfemoires historiques sur la Louisiane 
contenent ce qui est arriv6 de plus memorable depuis Tann^e 
1637 jusqu'a present (1740) avec Tetablissement de la colonic 

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Ouvrages Publtis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 41 

frangaise dans cet province de TAmerique septentrionale sous 
la direction de la Compagnie des Indes; le climat, la nature 
et les productions de ce pays, Torigine et la religion des sau- 
vagesquiThabitent; leurs moeurs, et leurs coutumes &a. mis 
en ordre par M. L. L. M. (rabbfe le Mascrier), ouvrage enrichi 
de cartes et de figures. 2 vol. in 12. Paris 1753. 

Dans la preface qui precede ces memotres Vedtteur qui les a 
coordtnes s'exprtme atnst d leur sujet et sur le compte de Vauteur: 
On peut regarder ces memotres htstortques comme servant de con- 
ttnuatton au journal pubhe par le Sr. Joutel en 1713. Vau- 
teur y donne d'abord une descrtptton exacte et assex etendue de 
cette vaste province) de la tl passe d ce qut regarde le chmat, la 
nature et les productions de ce pays, II y traite ausst des nations 
sauvages qui Vhabitent. On trouvera dans la seconde partie tou^t 
ce qui concerne V itablissement des frangais dans la Louisiane; 
on y lira sans doute avec platsir quels ont itS les premiers fondements 
et les faibles commencements de cette colonic aujour d'hu\ tris 
florissante quels soins et quelles dipenses il en d coute de puis 
1716 d la Compagnie nomme d'abord Compagnie dVccident et 
deputs Compagnie des Indes pour procurer d la nation une 
etabltssement utile et solide dans ce pays; on y verra les progris 
successifs de la colonic et ses diverses translations de VIsle Dau- 
phine au vieux et nouveau Biloxi, suivies de son etablissement 
fixe d la Nouvelle Orleans. Vauteur y reconte les guerres que les 
frangais eurent d soutemr contre les sauvages, et on s'apercervra 
dans son recit qu'il s'est attachi d fane connaitre non seulement 
les pastes etablis d la Louisiane avant Varrivi de la colonic 
franqaiscy mats encore ceux qu'elle d occupis de nouveau. II n'a 
rien negligi pour rendre son ouvrage curieux et utile. Ce n*est 
nt un composi de descriptions chtmeriques et tmaginaireSy m une 
compilation de relations fattes sur des rapports dourteux. Vau- 
teur n*icrit rien dans ces Mhnoires dont tl n'att ite temotn et 
dont tl ne se soit assure. Vingt deux ans de sejour qu'il d faits 
dans ce pays, au service de la France, sa patrie, lut ont donni 
le temps d* examiner tout par lutmeme; et comme il ne s'est 
propose que la virttepour guide dans ces memotres, il crottpouvoir 
espirer que du moins par cet endroit ils seront recus avec quelque 
satisfaction de toutes les personnes senses. 

On trouvera dans Dumont les deux premiers plans de la Nouvelle 
Orleans, executes de 1718 d 1720 par La Tour et Pauge. La 
premiere enceinte ne contenail que quatre islets et itait def endue 

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42 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

par un parapet et des fosses. La seconde avail huit islets face au 
fleuve sur cinq de profondeur. 

47. Le Page du Pratz. Histoire de la Louisiane, contenant la 
decouverte de ce vaste pays; sa description g6ographique, un 
voyage dans les terre?; Thistoire naturelle, les moeurs, coutumes 
et religion des naturels, avec leurs origines, deux voyages dans 
le nord du nouveau Mexique dont un jusqu'a la mer du sud, 
om6 de deux cartes et de 40 planches. Paris. 3 vol. in 
12o. 1758. 
Cet ouvrage d iti traduit en anglais sous le tttre suivant: 

48. History of Louisiana or of the western part of Virginia by du 
Pratz. Maps, in 8o. London. 1774. 
Le Page du Pratz d reside dans la Louisiane de 1718 a 1734, II 
rend compte dans son livre des voyages qu'il a fails et de ses ob- 
servations; ces dermics sont fort inter essantes pour l* histoire 
naturelle. Toute cette partie de son ouvrage perite les eloges qui 
lui ont ete donnis par nombre d*krivains. II n'en est pas de 
meme pour la partie historique qui est d'un mediocre mteret, car 
on y trove reproduit sommairement des evenements que ses de- 
vanciers avaient beaucoup mieux raconte que lui, et surtout 
beaucoup plus en ditail. Cest done a tort que Vauteur a donne le 
titre d' Histoire de la Louisiane a son livre, il eut Ste plus correct 

* en Vintitulant, ''Voyages a la Louisiane.*' 

49. Jeffery's* (Geographer to the King). Natural and civil history 
of the French dominions in North and South America. Maps 
and Plans. London, in fo. 1760. 
27 Pages de V ouvrage de Jeffery ont ete consacres d la descrip- 
tion de la Louisiane et a en resumer r histoire. Vauteur reproduit 
les pretentions de Coxe auxquelles toutefois, il attache peu d'un- 
portance, car de Le Page du Pratz qu'il tire sa description, a 
laquelle il a joint les aventures de Belle Isle qui faillit etre mange 
par les Attakapas en 1719. Bossu raconte tout au long dans 
son premier voyage {vol. 2, Pag. 136 a 151) cet episode curteux 
qui a fait croire aux premiers colons que la Louisiane renfermait 
des tribus antropophages. L ouvrage de Jeffery a ete imprime avec 
soin; les plans et les cartes en sont fort corrects. 

50. Memoires historiques sur la negotiation de la France et de 
TAngleterre, depuis le 26 mars 1761, jusqu'au 20 septembre de la 
m§me ante avec les pieces justificatives. 60 pages in 4o. 
Paris et Londres. (a et6 traduit en anglais la mSme ann6.) 


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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 43 

On trouvera dans ce Memoire iouie la correspondance diplo- 
matique qui d precede la paix de 1762 et qui d Hi ichangi entre 
les cabinets de Versailles et de Saint James. Le Due de Choiseul, 
au nam de I^outs xv, expose les fails qui ont entraine la rupture 
du traiti d'Aix la Chapelle etenrejette la faute sur les agressions de 
VAngleterre. A la suite de ce Memoire se trouvent trente pieces 
signis Brunswick, Chotseul, Pitt, Stanley and de Bussy, dans 
lesquelles on peut sutvre pas d pas la negoctatton qui abouttt 
d^nttivement a la cession par la France d VAngleterre du Canada 
et d'une partie de la Louisiane, Toutefois ces premieres negocia- 
tions rompues en 1761 ne furent reprises que vers le mtlteu de 

51. Bellin, Ing^nieur de la marine. Le petit atlas maritime, 
Recueil de cartes et planr des quatre parties du monde en cinq 
volumes: ler. Volume Am^rique septentrionale et Isles 
Antilles; iie. Volume Am6rique m^ridionale, Mexique, Terre 
Ferme, Bi^sil, Perou, Cbily. Ill eme Voliune. Asie et Afrique. 
IV et Vme Volumes, Europe et les Etats qu'elle contient. 
Public par ordre de M. le Due de Choiseul. 5 Vol. grand in 4o. 
Paris. 1764. 

Get atlas conttent pres de 600 cartes et plans sortts du depot de la 
Marine; V execution en a iti faite en partie aux frais de VEtat. 
Bellin a consacre plus de trente ans a ce travail et n*a rien epargne 
pour qu*il fut digne du Ministre sous les auspices duquel il 
paraissait. Le premier volume est tres precieux pour Vhistoire 
de la Nouvelle France et de la Louisiane, car il contient plus de 
trente cartes et plans de ces deux anciennes possessions fran- 

Les cartes qui accompagnent Vhistoire de la Nouvelle France, par 
le pere Charlevoix, ont ete dressis par Bellin. 

52. Marigny de Mandeville. Memoire sur la Louisiane in 8o. 
Paris. G. Despres. 1765. 

Voici ce que dit Bossu a Voccasion de ce memoire qu'il m*a ete 
impossible de m£ procureer: **En 1759 M. de Marigny de 
Mandeville, offtcier de distinction, forma le dessm avec Vagrement 
du gouverneur de la Louisiane de fane de nouvelles decouvertes 
vers VIsle deBarataria; cefut dans cette vue qu'il travailla a une 
carte generate de la colonic. Cet officier a fait a ses frais la decou- 
verte de ce pays inconnu avec un zele mfatigable, qui caractirise 
un digne citoyen." 

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44 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

53. An account of the European settlements in America in six 
parts. 2 vol. 8o. London. Dodsley. 1765. 
On attribue cet ouvrage au celebre Edmund Burke; il d iti traduit 
enfrangais sous le litre suivant: 

54. Histoire des colonies europ^ennes dans TAmferique en six 
parties, chaque partie contenant une description de la colonic, 
de son 6tendue, de son climat &a. Paris, Nyon, 2 vol. in 
12o. 1780. 

Ce qui concerne la Loutsiane se trouve dans le volume second, 
pages 35 et suivantes, de Vedition anglaise, et dans le vol 2e. 
pages 37 et suivantes de Vedition francaise. 

55. Bouquet's (Henry). An historical account of the expeditoin 
to the Ohio the year 1764, imder the command of H. 
Bouquet. London. 1766. 
Cet relation d ite traduit enfrancais sous le tttre suivant: 

56. Relation historique de TexpMition contre les Indiens de 
rOhio, en 1674, par le chevalier Bouquet, traduit de I'Anglais 
par Diunas, enrichie de cartes et de figures, 8o. Amsterdam. 

On trouvera dans le 3e. volume du voyage dans la haute Pennsyl- 

vanie, par Crevecoeur {No ) des details fort interessants sur 

cette expedition, les causes qui Vavaient provoquS et les resultats 
qu*on obtint pour la tranquiliti ulterieure de toutes les contrees 
Quest des Etats Urns. 

57. Bossu, capitaine dans les troupes de la marine. Nouveau 
voyage aux Indes occidentales, contenant ime relation des 
differents peuples qui habitent les environs du grand fleuve 
St. Louis, appele vulgairement le Mississippi, leur religion, 
leur gouvemement, leurs moeurs, leurs guerres, et leur com- 
merce. Paris. Le Jay, 2 vol. in 12o. fig. 1768. 
Ces voyages ont ete traduit en Anglais sous ce litre: 

58. Travels through that part of North America formerly called 
Louisiana, by M. Bossu, captain in the French marines. 
Translated from the French by John Reinhols Forster, illus- 
trated with notes relative chiefly to natural history. To which 
is added, by the translator, a systematic catalogue of all the 
known plants of North America, or a Flora America septen- 
trionalis, together with an abstract of the most useful and 
necessary articles contained in Peter Loefling's Travels. 
(Swedish traveller). 2 vol. in 8o. London. 1771. 

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 45 

Le capttatne Bossu est arnvi d la Loutstane en 1750, et tl Va 
parcourue pendant douze ans, Dans tme serte de lettres ecrttes 
a un officter de ses arms, tl raconte tout ce qu'tl d observi et tout 
ce gut est venu a sa connaissance sur la Louisiane. Cette cone- 
spondance est fort curieuse et elle inter esse par la variete des sujets 
qui y sont traitis. La traduction de ce line d paru, lorsque par le 
traits de 1762, une partie de la Louisiane, ainsi que le Canada 
avaient StS cidis d VAngleterre et qu*il importait defournir au public 
de cette nation une connaissance exacte du pays nouvellement 
acquis. Le traducteur, en choistssant Bossu d, par ce fait, rendu 
hommage d son merite. II d joint aux lettres de cet ecrivam une 
flore extraite des voyages de Loefling et de Kalm, savants natural- 
istes suedois, qui avaient vtsiti la Louisiane anterieurement d 
Bossu, mais dont les ouvrages n'ont pas iti traduits en frangais. 


Ouvrages publics apr6s la cession de la Louisiane 
a TEspagne et a TAngleterre. 

59. O'Reilly (Alexandre). Sa proclamation aux habitans de la 
Louisiane et en prenant possession au nom du Roi d'Espagne 
datfe ^ la Nouvelle Orleans le 25 novembre. 1769. 
Cette piece estdonni tout au long par M. Gayarre d la Jin de la 
premiere partie de son histoire de la Louisiane pages 383 et 

59 bis. "^ Stork's (William). A description of east Florida with a 
journal kept by John Bartram of Philadelphia, botanist to his 
Majesty for the Floridas, upon a journey from St. Augustine 
up the river of St. John's as far as the lakes. Maps and plans. 
4o. London. • 1769. 

Jefais mention de cet ouvrage parmi ceux ecriis sur la Louisiane 
par la raison qu'il ne contient en grande partie que des descrip- 
tions qui sont communes aux deux contres et quHlfut redigepar 
deux hommes distinguis ayant une mission speciale du gouverne- 
ment anglais de visiter lepays et d' en f aire connaitre les avantages 
a ses nouveaux proprietaires. 

60. Pittman's (Capt. Philip). Present state of the European 
settlements of the Mississippi illustrated by plans and draughts. 
London. In 4o. 1770. 

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46 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Cest (Tapres M. Warden que je donne le litre de cet ouvrage, car 
je n'ai pu me le procurer ni en Angleterre, ni le trouver dans les 
Bibliotheques de Paris. 

61. Kalm's (Peter). Travels into North America containing its 
natural history, with the civil, ecclesiastical and commercial 
state of the country, translated into English by John R. 
Forster. Washington, 3 vol. in 8o. Cuts and maps. 1770. 
Uauteur de ces voyages etait un naturaliste suedoisfort distinguL 
Son ouvrage parut pour la premise fois en 1754 et fut imprimi 
a Goettingue. Je n'en connais aucune traduction frangaise. 

62. Raynal. Histoire philosophique et politique des etablisse- 
ments et du commerce des Europeans dans les deiix Indes. 
Amsterdam. 11 vol. 8o. et atlas. 1770 6 1781. 
A etait tradutte en anglais sous ce litre: 

63. History of the settlements and trade of the Europeans in the 
East and West Indies. 6 vol. in 12o. London. 1782. 
La premitre idition de cet outrage celebre public de 1770 a 1774 
en 7 volumes in 8o, et atlas contient dans le volume 7e, pages 98 a 
135 J un apercu historique de la Louisiane et des reflexions sur la 
cession qui venait d*en etrefaite a VEspagne. Lauteur les termine 
ainsi: ''La Louisiane opprime par ses nouveau maitres a voulu 
secouer un joug qu'elle avail en horreur avant meme de Vavoir 
ports ; mais repousse par la France quand elk venait se rejeter 
dans ses bras, elle est retombe dans les fers qu'elle avail tente de 
briser, Les cruautes qu'un gouvernement outrage n'a pas 
manquer d'exercer contre elle, n'ont fait qu'augmenter une haine 
trop antique pour s'eteindre.** Plus tard, en 1781, Raynal a 
complete son travail en publiant en quatre volumes de supplement 
aux sept premiers, Ce qui concerne la Louisiane se trouve dans le 
volume 3e. pages 353 a 401. Dans les editions poster ieures a cette 
epoque les deux parties ont ete fondues ensemble. 

64. Prev6t d'Exile (rabb6). Histoire generales des voyages ou 
Nouvelle Collection de toutes les relations des voyages par 
mer et par terre qui ont ete publics jusqu'a present (1746) dans 
les differentes langues de toute les nations connues, contenant 
ce qu'il y a de plus remarquable, de plus utile, et mieux av^r6 
dans les pays ou les voyageurs ont penetre &a. enrichie de cartes 
g^ographiques, de plans et de perspectives; de figures d'ani- 
maux, de v^getaux, habits antiquites &a. Paris. Didct, 16 
volumes in 4o. dont un (le XVIe.) de tables. Plus un supple- 
ment par Chompre et Querlon, 3 vol. Les cartes et plans 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 47 

reunis forment egalement 3 volumes; ensemble 21 volumes in 
4o. publics de 1746 a 1770. Cette volumineuse collection dans 
laquelle ont puis6 tant d'6crivains, et dont on a donne des 
abrtgfe sous tant de formes, est tou jours recheichee, surtout 
pour la beaute des gravures execut^es par d'habiles artistes sm 
les dessins du cgl6bre Cochin et pour les cartes et les plans 
qui sont egalement bien 6xecut6s. 

Ce qui concerne la Floride et la Louisiane est contenu dans le 
XIV e volume de cette edition) pages 415 a 458 et pages 606 
a 637. 

65. Ulloa (Ant. de). Noticias americanas de los territorios, climas 
y produciones con relacion de las petrificaciones de cuerpos 
marinos de las antiquitades, sobre la lengua &a. In 4o. Mad- 
rid. 1772. 
Cet ouvrage remarquable a ete traduit par Lefebure de Villebrune 
avec de nombreuses additions sous le litre suivant: 

65 bis. Memoires philosophiques, historiques, physiques contenant 
la decouverte de I'Amerique, ses anciens habitans, leur 
moeurs, leurs usages, leur connexion avec les nouveau habi- 
tans, leur religion ancienne et moderne, le produit des trois 
regnes de la nature, et en particulier les mines leur exploitation 
&a. avec des observations et additions sur toutes les mati&res 
dont il est parl6 dans Touvrage. Paris. Buisson. 2 vol. 
in 8o. 1787. 

Don Ulloa guidpu etre unfort mauvais gouverneur de la Louisiane 
n'en etait pas moins Vun des hommes les plus distingues de son 
epoque, un bon observateur et un ecrivain dont les productions 

On trouvera dans le premier volume de ces Memoires grand 
nombre d' observations sur la Louisiane^ sa temperature^ ses 
productions, son sol, les maladies qui y regnent &a, Don Ulloa 
a publie en colloboration avec George Juan, un voyage historique 
de VAmerique meridionale 2 vol in 4o, critique anglais porte le 
jugement suivant sur cet ouvrage: 

''Juan and Ulloa's Travels may be selected as the most interest- 
ing and satisfactory work of its kind; they are the unacknowledged 
source of much that has been published in other forms,*' 

66. American husbandry, containing an account of the soil, climate, 
productions and agriculture of the British colonies in North 
America and the West Indies, by an American. 2 volumes 
in8o. London. 1775. 

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48 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Cet ouvrage sur V agriculture de VAmhique septentrionale publii 
sans nom d*auteur, parait etre Vun des premiers qui ont ete ecrtts 
sur cette mattire, Ce gut concerne la Loutstane se trouve dans 
le 2e, volume pages 62 a 94. La Flortde se trouve dans le meme 
volume Pages 40 a 58. 

67. Champigny (le chevalier de). L'Etat present de la Louisiane 
pour servir de suite a Thistoire des ^tablissements des Euro- 
p6ens dans les deux Indes. La Haye 8o. 1776. 
Le tttre de cet ouvrage d iti prts dans V ouvrage de Warden. Je 
n'ax pu me le procurer dans les Btbhotheques de Parts. 

68. Roman's (Captain Bernard). A concise natural history of 
East and West Florida, containing an account of the natural 
produce of all the southern parts of British America, in the 
three Kingdoms of nature, particularly the mineral ancj vege- 
table, &c., in 12o. N^ York, Aitkin 1776. 
Volney dans son Tableau du sol et du climat des Etats Unts fait 
rSloge de ce livre, dont je ne connais pas de traduction francaise. 
Boucher de la Richarderie en parte le jugement sutvant: 

'* Romans etait tout a lafois un medecin eclair i et un observateur 
judiciaux. II s'est attachi d'abord a decrire le climat de la Floride 
et les maladies qui Vaffligent. Elles ant surtout leur principe 
dans les variations brusques de la temperature, qui sont plus 
funestes dans la Floride que dans beaucoup d'autres parties de 
VAmerique, ou elles ont egalement lieu. II entre ensuite dans des 
details sur les trois peuples indigenes de la Floride, les Chicassas, 
les Chactas et les Criks confidirSs; il peint des plus noires couleurs 
leur character e moral. La salete, la faineantise, le penchant pour 
le vol, Vorgeuil le plus excessif, la vanite la plus facile a blesser, 
la perserverance dans les haines, Vatrociti dans les vengeances 
un plaisir feroce d repandre le sang, forment les traits du tableau. 
Les productions du sol de la Floride ont iti aussi fobjet des re- 
cherches et des observations de cet ecrivain.*' 

69. Bossu. Nouveaux voyages dans TAm^rique septentrionale 
contenant une collection de lettres fecrites sur les lieux par 
Tauteur k Tun de ses amis in 8o. fig. Amsterdam. 1777. 
Le capitaine Bossu qui avail quitti la Louisiane en 1762, y 
retourna 8 ans plus tard, en 1770 et la trouva encore dans la 
consternation ou Vavaient jete les evenements tragiques du 7 
Septembre de Vanne precedents 

Les officiers frangais victimes de la cruaute de O'Reilly avaieni 
iti les frires d'armes du capitaine Bossu, il rend compte de leurs 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Flortde et VAncimne Louisiane 49 

. dernier $ .moments et de I' impression pr(^onde produite dans la 
colonie par €ette sanglante execution. 
i On trouvera egalemeni dans ce volume la lettre du Roi Louis XV 
d d'Abbadiei daiee de Versailles ie 21 avril, 1764, dans laquelle 
il lui annonce que par tratti particulier fait avec le roid'Espagne 
le 3 novembre, 1762, il lut avail cede la Louisiane et lui ordonnail, 
"aussitot que le Gouveneur et les troupes de ce monarque seront 
arrtvis vous ayez d les mettre en possession, et d retirer tous les 
offtciers, soldats et employes a mon service.*' 

70. Hutchin's. Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsyl- 
vania, Marylaind and North Carolina, comprehending tJie 
rivers Ohio, Wabash, Illinois, Mississippi, &c. 8o. Maps. 
London. 1778. 
Get ouvrage d StS traduit en francais par Le Rouge, sous le litre 

71. Description topographique de la Virginie, de la Pennsylvanie, 
de Maryland^ et de la Caroline du Nord, contenant les riviferes 
d'Ohio, Kenhawa, Soto, Chirokee, Wabash, Illinois, Missis- 
sippi &a. le climat, le sol, les productions, tant animales que 
vegdtales ou niin6rales &a. Plus im supplement qui contient 
1^ Journal de Patrice Kennedy sur la rivifere de Illinos. 2 
cartes, Paris, Le Rouge. 1781. 
Quelques annees apres Hutckin publia une Description de la 
Louisiane et de la Floride, elle se trouve dans V ouvrage dimlay, 
pages 38S a 458. {voir No. 88.) 

72. Carver's (J.) Travels through the interior parts of North 
America in the years 1766, 1767 and 1768 by J. Carver, cap- 
tain of a company of provincial troops during the late war 
With France, illustrated with copper plates coloured maps. 
D»ndon. 1779-1781. 
Ges voyages ont eti traduit en francais sous ce litre: 

73. Voyages daps les parties interieures de TAmerique septentrio- 
nale pendant les annfees 1766, 1767, 1768 par J. Carver, capi- 
taine d'lme compagnie de troupes provinciales pendant la 
guerre du Canada entre la France et TAngleterre in 80. cartes. 
Paris et Yverdon.' 1784. 
Le capitaine Carver ni dans le Connecticut , entra fort jeune 
dans le regiment de ce nom et y servii jusqu'en 1757,' soil comme 
enseigne, soil comme capitaine. II echappa par miracle au 
massacre que les Iroquis firent de la garrison du fort William 

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50 The Loummta Historical Quarter ty 

dans cette mime anni, et il raconte cei evenement de la maniere 
la pli4S pittoresque. II etait doue d'un esprtt entreprenant et 
aveniurieux; aussi apres avoir quttte le service, d la paix de 1762, 
resolui'il de reconnaitre les regions les plus interteures de VAmeri- 
que et de peneirer, s*il etait possible, jusqu'a la mer Pacifique. 
Les relations qu'tl nous a donnSs de ses voyages et de ses observa- 
tions au milieu des nations indiennes pendant un sejour de trois 
ans sont des plus inter essantes. 

Les voyages du capitaine Carver ont ete accueillis en Angleterre 
avec la plus grande faveur et trois editions de son livre y ont eti 
pubhis successivement en moins de trois ans. 
74. Pages (capitaine des vaisseaux du Roi). Voyage autourdu 
monde et vers les deux p61es par terre et par mer pendant les 
ann6s 1767 a 1776. Paris. Moutard, 2 vol. 8o. cartes. 1782. 
Cest en 1767 que le capitaine Pagis visita la Louisiane dans 
laquelle il ne fit qu'un court sejour. On lira neanmoins, avec 
interet la description quHl en donne, et surtout son voyage par k 
fleuve, de la Nouvelle Orleans d la riviire rouge. 11 est curieux 
de comparer les moyens de transport que Von employait alms avec 
ceux qui existent maintenant; r humble pirogue creusi dans un 
tronc d'arbre avec les splendides palais flotiants qui courent le 
Mississippi. Et cependant cette transportation s'est operi en 
moins d*un siecle! Void le passage auquel je fais allusion: 
** Pendant mon sejour d la Nouvelle Orleans, un negociant de 
cette ville fit equiper une pirogue de cinq avirons en marchandise 
de traite pour les Indiens sauvages des Natchitoches', je saisis 
cette occasion et m'y etant embarquS, je partis le 4 d'aout. Cette 
pirogue avail environ trente cinq pieds de longueur sur quatre de 
largeur elle etait formee d'un seul gros arbre creusi; elle etait faite 
pour alter legtrement et bien gouverner; il y avail a Vavant un 
excedant de bois relevi de deux pieds au moins, en forme de 
coquille entreouverte; cet excedent etait tailU tres fin, pour qu'il 
put ecarter Veau au pieds des chutes, et fendre le courant en le 
remontant, sans risque d'etre submergi. Nous etions huit hommes 
en tout, savoir: cinq rameurs, dont deux negres, un canadten qut 
venait d'arriver de son pays par les terres, et deux matelots qui 
furent ensuite remplacis par deux sauvages, le patron de la 
pirogue, le proprietaire et moi. La rapidite du courant, augmenti 
par la quantite d'embarras qu'on rencontre ne nous permettait de 
faire que quatre lieux par jour." 

Le capitaine Pagis arriva aux Natchitoches le 2 Septembre apres 
un voyage de 29 jours. 

Digitized by 


Ouvrages Pubais sur la Flaride et VAncienne Louisiane 51 

75. Filson's (John). Discovery, settlement and Present State of 
Kentucky. Published in the year 1784. To be found in 
Imlay's Topographical Description of the Western territory 
of North America, pages 306 to 387. (See No. 88.) 

V outrage deFilson a ete traduit enfrancais sous le litre suivanl: 

76. Histoirede Kentucky nouvelle colonie & TOuest de la Virginie, 
contenant: la d^couverte, Tacquisition, T^tablissement, la de- 
scription topographique, Thistoire naturelle &a. du territoire. 
La relation historique du Colonel Boon, &a. avec une carte; 
Guvrage pour servir de suite aux lettres d'un cultivateur 
Americain, traduit par Parraud, 8o. Paris, Buisson. 1785. 
Ce line esl le premier qui ait fait connaitre Vinterieur du Ken- 
tucky et les bords de VOhio, Le certificat suivanl fut deltvre a 
J, Filson au mois de mai, 1784. 

'*We, the subscribers, inhabitants of Kentucky and well ac- 
quainted with the country, from its first settlement; at the request 
of the author of this book, have carefully revised it, and recommend 
it to the public as an exceeding good performance containing as 
accurate a description of our country as we think can possibly 
be given; much preferable to any in pur knowledge extant and 
think it will be of great utility to the public. — Daniel Boon, Levi 
Todd, James Harrod.'* 

77. Smyth's. A tour in the United States of America containing 
an account of the present situation of that country, &c., with 
a description of the Indian nations, &c. London. 2 vol. 
In 8o. 1784. 
Cet ouvrage d iti tradutt enfrancais sous le litre suivant: 

78. Voyage dans les EtatsUnis de TAm^rique fait en 1784, con- 
tenant une description de sa situation pr6sente, de sa popula- 
tion, &a. Paris Buisson. 2 vol. in 8o. 1791. 
Vepoque indtqui par le traducteur au voyage de Smyth n'est pas 
exacte, car il le commenca au mots d'aout 1771 avant la guerre de 
V Independance et revint et Angleterre en 1783. 

On trouvera dans le chapitre 46, la relation de sa visile a la Nou- 
velle Orleans, ou il fut accueilli par M. M. Claiborne et Fields. 
Smyth ne considerait pas alors le gouvernement espagnol aussi 
populaire parmi les Louisianais que M. Gayarre s*est etforci de 
nous le montrer (voir No. 153). Void en quels termes le voyageur 
s'exprime a cet egard: 
**At this time so great ts their desire to be under British govern- 

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52 The Louisiana Hisi&rical Quarterly 

menu (tnd so generai, so hearty, ^o rooted is their detestation to 
that of Spain, that only a dozen or two of Britons of spirit and 
enterprise, would be able to wrest all that country from the Span- 
iards; as the inhabitants are all French, excepting the garrison, 
which consists only of a handful of lazy, proud, miserable Span- 
iards, who despise the French settlers as cordially as they them- 
selves are hated by them in return. The number of families tn the 
town and island of New Orleans and on the west side of the 
Mississippi may amount to twelpe thousand at least, all of whom 
are thus averse to be governed by the Spaniards' 

79. Crfeve Coeur. (Saint Jean de). Lettres d'un cultivateur 
Ameiicain, 6crites depuis Tannee 1770 jusqu'en 1786, traduites 
de TAnglais et enrichies de cartes et de figures, 3e. edition. 
Paris. Cuchet, 3 vol. in 8o. 1787. 
(La premiere Edition publiee en 2 volumes est de 1784.) 

80. Le Meme. Voyage dans la haute Pensylvanie et dans TEtat 
de New York. 3 cartes et planches. Paris. Maradan. 3 
vol. 8o. au IX. • 1801. 
Creve Coeur, ne en France mais eiabli dans les colonies anglo- 
Americaines depuis Vage de 16 ans, s'y etait naturalisL Devenu 
proprietaire d'une habitation sur les frontieres, il fut Vune des 
premikres victimes de la guerre de VIndependance. Less outages 
alliis de VAngleterre incendiirent ses possessions. Cest principale- 
meni aux differ entes ipoques de cette guerre qu'il ecrivit ses leitres ; les 
anecdotes quHl y a repandues sont auiani de petits drames atten- 
drissants que d*habiles mains pourraient mettre en oeuvre sur 
olusieurs de nos thiatres. Quant au voyage, il peui eire considhi 
comme une suite des lettres d'un cultivateur Americain. La 
situation des personages qu'il met en scene a le mhne charme, 
les tableaux qu'il trace de la nature sauvage sont ausst riches; 
Vinteret quHl inspire pour un peuple qui vient de briser ses fers, 
est aussi vif. 

Mais ce qui distingue surtout ce voyage, ce sont des details pre- 
cieux sur Vetat des peuples indigenes de cette partie de VAmirique 
septenirionale avant Varrivee des Europeens, sur les causes de 
leur deperissement et de leur faiblesse actuelle, sur la nature du 
climat ou les etablissement progresses des Europeens les ont 
confines enfin sur la revolution importante que ces progres Id 
mime ont operi dans les immenses contres attenantes aux 
Etats Unis. 
Aucun voyageur n'a si bien decrit ces assembles generates ou 

Digitized by 


Ouvrages Public^ sur la Floride, $1 VAncienn^ Louisiane 53 

Cornells que iiennent les squvages ppur dilibher sur leurs inttrtts 
politiques. Lauteur qui yd assiste rapporU quelques uns des 
discpurs qu'ils y prononcerent and Von y admiri un eloquence 
agreste ei sublime comme la nature'* Boufih^ de la Richarderie. 

81. Histpire et description de la Louisiane ou le Mississippi lorsqu'il 
et^it ^ la France. 

C'est un rtsumfe historique et destriptif de la Louisiane, dont 
Tauteur est anonyme; il est ins6r6 dans un ouvrage qui a pour 

Voyages interessants dans differentes colonies frangaises 
espagnols, anglaises, &a. contenent des observations impor- 
tante^ relatives a ces contrfees. 8o. Londres et Paris. 1788. 
Boucher de la Richarderie dans le Ve. volume de sa Bibliotheque 
des voyages, pages 515 et suivantes, rend compte de ce hvre dont le 
principal merite consiste dans les descriptions de Porto Rico et 
de Curagao, qui y spnt inserees. 

82. Bartram's (Williams). Travels though North and South Car- 
olina, Georgia, E^t and West Florida, the Cherokee country, 
the extensive territories of the Muscogulges or Creek confed- 
eracy, and the country of the Choctaws, containing an account 
of the soil and natural productions of those regions, together 
with observations on the manners of the Indians. Embelished 
with copper plates, map, in 8o. Philadelphia and London. 

Nous avons en frangais une bonne traduction de cet ouvrage; elle 
est intitulee: 

83. Voyage dans les parties sud de TAm^rique septentrionale 
savoir: les Carolines, les Florides, le pays des Cherokees, le 
vaste territoire de§ Muscogulges ou de la confederation Creek 
etle pays des Chactas; contenant des details sur le sol et les 
productions naturelles de ces contr6s et des observations sur 
les moeurs des sauvages qui les habitent. Imprim6 a Phila- 
delphie en 1791 et a Londres en 1794 et traduit de Tanglais 
par V. Benoist 2 vol. in 8o. cart^ et fig. Paris an VII. 1799. 
William Bartram etait fits de John Bartram, botaniste du Rot 
d'Angleterre, lequel accompagnait Stork en 1764 pour explorer 
les contrees nouvellement acquises de VEspagne et de la France 
par les Anglais, et dontfai in4iqu4 le journal sous le No, 59 bts, 
William formS d Vecole d'un pire aussi distingui d dignement 
marchS sur les traces; il doit etre rangS presd^ Catesby, de Kalm, 
de Loeffling et de Robin. Son livre, aussi int^essatit pour la 

Digitized by 


54 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Louisiane que pour la Floride, est certaitutnent Vun des meilleurs 
qui aient ite ecrits sur Vhistoire naturelle de ces deux contris 
dont les productions sont identiques. Boucher de la Richarderie 
s'exprime ainsi sur Vouvrage de W. Bartram: **En visitant les 
vastes contris dont le litre du voyage fatt r enumeration Bartram s*est 
d singulurement attachi d Vhistoire naturelle et surtout d la 
botanique des pays, objet principal de ses recherches. II ne 
laisse presque rien d desirer aux naturalistes sur cette derniere 

Quoique les recherches de ce voyageur soient principalement dirigh 
vers cette tranche des productions de la nature il riapas negltgi 
d'observer son plus bel ouvrage Vhomme. II Va soigneusement 
etudii chez celles des nations sauvages ou H conserve encore dans 
totUe sa rudesse Vempreinte de ses traits primitifsJ* 

84. Long's (J.) Voyages and Travels of an Indian interpreter 
and trader describing the manners and customs of the American 
Indians, with a vocabulary of the Chippeway language, 
a list of words in the Iroquis, Mohigan, Shawnee and 
Esquimeaux Tongue. In 4o. London. 1791. 

Ces voyages ont ete traduits en francais par M. Billecocq sous le 
litre suivant: 

85. .Voyages chez les differentes nations sauvages de TAm&ique 
septentrionale, renfermant des details curieux sur les moeurs, 
usages, ceremonies, religieuses, &a. des Cahnuagas, des In- 
diens des cinq et six nations &a. avec des notes et des additions 
intferessantes. Paris, Proult. In 8o. an 2. 1794. 

Long commenca ses voyages en 1768 et les termina en 1787; a la 
profession de trafiquant, il joignait celle dHnterprete des langues 
indienneSy aussi a-t-il fait suivre son voyage d'un vocabulaire de 
langue Chippeway que Billecocq n'a pas traduit en francais. 
Volney dans son Tableau du climat and du sol des Etats unis 
le regrette en ces termes: **Il est facheux que le traducteur de 
Long se soil permis de supprimer les vocabulaires, pour quelque 
economic de librairie. Cet ouvrage merite reimpression avec cor- 
rections car il est le plus'ftdele tableau que je connaisse de la vie 
et des moeurs des sauvages et des trafiquants Canadiens.*' Bille- 
cocq a du reste enrtchie sa traduction de notes tiris des aventures 
deLeBeau, de Vhistoire de la Nouvelle France de Marc Lescarbot, 
du Journal de Charlevoix et de beaucoup d'autres ouvrages sur 
VAmerique septentironale. 

Digitized by 


Otivrages Publiis sur la Floride ei VAncienne Louisiane 55 

86. Morse's (JediWah). The American geography; or a view of the 
Present Situation of the United Srates of America, &c. Illus- 
trated with two sheet maps, Bo. Londcm. 1792. 

Cet ouvrage a iti traduit enfranfais sous le litre suivant: 

87. Tableau de la situation actuelle des Etats Unis d'Amferique 
d'aprfes Jedidiah Morse et les meilleurs auteurs Am^ricains par 
Ch. Pichet de Genfeve, ouvrage enrichi 4^ beaucoup de cartes 
et de tablequ. Paris. Dupont. 2 vol. 8o. 1795. 

Cesl le premier traiti gentrale de geographie ecrtt par un Amtri- 
cain sur les Etats Unis et les possessions qui les avoisinaient. 
La description de la Basse Lauistane alors en possession de 
VEspagne, est fort courte, mais en revanche, Vauteur s'esi attachi 
a decrire d'une maniere particuliere tout le territoire de VOuest 
qui composait anterieurment la haute Louisiane. 

88. Imlay's. Topographical Description of the Western Terri- 
tory of North America; to which is added Filson's histCMy of the 
discovery and settlement of Kentucky, the adventures of Col. 
Daniel Boone, one of the first settlers; minutes of the Pianka- 
skaw council; and the manners and customs of the Indian 
nations in the limits of the thirteen united provinces. 8o. 
Maps. London. 1792. 

Cet ouvrage qui d iti reimprimi plusieurs fois en angleterre, est la 
meilleure collection de ce qui avail iti publti d cette ipoque sur les 
contris de VOuest, dont Vauteur fait la description dans une 
serie de lettres icrites du Kentucky et d la suite desquelles il donne 
en entier: La dicouverte et V etablissement du Kentucky par 
Filson; une description de la Louisiane par Hutchins et nombre 
d'autres documents fort interessants. 

89. Winterbotham's (W.) An historical, geographical and philo- 
sophical view of the United States of America and of the Euro- 
pean settlements in America. 4 vol. 8o. Philadelphia. 1796. 
Vauteur de cet ouvrage, beaucoup plus etendu que ceux de Morse 
et d'Imlay, indique dans sa preface le plan qu'il a suivi et la 
matiere des quatre volumes: 

''The attention of Europe in general, and of Great Britain in 
particular, is drawn to the new world, the editor at the request of 
some particular friends, undertook the task which he hopes he has 
m some degree accomplished m the following volumes, in affording 
his countrymen an opportunity of becoming better acquainted with 
its settlements by Europeans. The events that led to the establish- 

Digitized by 


56 The LouisianaHisiof teal Quarierty 

ment and independence of the United States. The nature of their 
government. Their present situation and advantages together 
with thetr future prospects in commerce, manufactures and agri- 
culture. This formed ^ the principal design of the book, but he 
farther wished with this to connect a general view of the situation 
of the remaining European possessions in America. This has 
been therefore attempted and nearly a volume is dedicated to this 

Dans le quatrieme volume de cet ouvrage on trouvera une histoire 
des quadrupedes, des oiseaux et des reptiles de VAmerique. Des 
planches sont joirites au texte. 


Ouvrages put>li6s depnis la retrocession f aite par TEspagne & la France 

ct la cession de cette demiSre aux 

Etats Unis. 

90. Louisiana. Account of Louisiana, being an slbstract of docu- 
ments in the offices of the departments of State and of the 
treasury, with appendix. 2 vol. in 8o. Philadelphia. 1803. 

91. Address to the Govermhent of the United States on the cession 
of Louisiana to the French and on the late breach of treaty by 
the Spaniards, drawn up by a French counsellor of State. 8o. 
Philadelphia. 1803. 

92. De Vergennes. Memoire historique et politique sur la Louis- 
iane, accompagnfe d'un precis de la vie de ce Ministre. In 8o. 
Paris. Lepetit. 1802. 
Cest vers 1780 que ce memoire a iti presente a Louis XVI par 
M. de Vergennes, mais il ne fut imprimi que vingt ans apris. 
Ce ministre, vraiment patrtote, qui avait contribui par ses conseils 
a V emancipation des Etats Unis engageait fortement le Rot d 
rentrer en possession de la Louistane, dont il deplorait V abandon 
par le honteux traite de 1762. II est impossible de mieux lire dans 
Vavenir les hinements qui se sont passis sous nos yuex, et. si les vues 
de ce grand politique eussent itS adoptis il est probable que laFrance 
et VEspagne n' eussent pas perdu Vune et l* autre leurs possessions 
sur le continent de VAmirique du nord. Void la prediction de 
M: de Vergennes en parlant des Etats Unis: 

''Cette nouvelle puissance dont la population doublera tous les 

Digitized by 


Ouvrages Publics surlaFlorideei VAncienne Lauisiane 57 

vingt ans menace deja les colonies deVEurope dans cette partie du 
monde. Son exemple, son voisinage et ses forces y ameneront 
dans plus ou moins de temps Vindependance des colonies espag- 
noles et le commerce de VAmerique sera perdu pour V Europe. 
Sty au contraire, la Louistane etait resti au pourvoir des Fran- 
gaiSf ou si elle y rentrait, elle formerait entre le Mexique et les 
Etats Unis, une barriere que ces derniers craindraient de fran- 
chir et sous ce point de vue il est meme de Vinteret des autres 
puissances commercantes que la Louistane soil remise d la France. 

93. Baudry des Loziferes. Voyage a la Louisiane et sur le conti- 
nent de TAmferique septentrionale fait dans le$ annes 1794 
a 1798; contienant un Tableau historique de la Louisiane, des 
observations sur son climat, ses riches productions &a. om6 
d'une belle carte. In 0o. Paris, Dentu. 1802. 
Vauteur de cei ouvrage s'exprime ainsi dans la preface qui lui 
sert d' introduction: 

*'Ce n'est pqint une compilation que je donne au public, c*est le 
resultdt des notes que fai prises sur le continent meme et si la 
severe defiance des Espagnols en 1795 et annees suivantes, ne 
m^a pas jiermis de completer mon ouvrage, fai itS si pres des 
objets, que je puts dire les avoir tous vus. Les circonstances me 
donnent done un avantage qu^il est impossible de me disputer 
sans injustice.** 

La premise partie de ce voyage renfeme un apercu de Vhistoire 
de Ut Louisiane et des details sur les guerres de 1734 a 1740 avec 
les Chicachas et leuf chef Mingo Mastabe. Elle contient egalement 
le fecit de la trajedie du mois de septembre 1769. U ouvrage est 
termine par deux vocabulaires Sauvages-Frangais. 
Le voyage de Baudry de Lozieres ne peut manquer d'etre interes- 
sant, puisque les evenements qui y $bnt rapportis ont ete ecrits 
sous la dicte de temoins oculaires ou recueillis par la tradition 
des habitans de la Louisiane. 

On trouvera ci-apres sous le No. 99, *lindication d*un second 
ouvrage publii par le meme auteur. 

94. Milfort (le General). Memoire ou coup d'oeil rapide sur les 
differens voyages et mon sejour dans la nation Creek. In 8o. 
Paris. 1802. 
Cest en 1775 que Milfort quitta la France pOur venir dans les 
Etats Unis. II penetra dans Vinterieur de la Floride et se fixa 
parmi les Creeks dont il devint Tastanegy, ou grand chef de 
guerre^ II raconte dans ce volume les evenemeHts auxquels il prit 

Digitized by 


58 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

part pendant les vingt annis qu'il demeura avec les diverses 
tribus indiennes, ses courses et ses observations: Bien qu*il y ait 
peu d'ordre dans ses narrations, et qu'elles paraissent ramanes- 
gues, an les lit cependant a$ec inieret parcequ' elles renferment 
une peinture assezfidele delavie sauvage. 

95. Dubroca. ItinSraire des Francais dans la Lonisiane accom- 
pagn6 de la carte de G. de Tlsle. In 12o. Paris. 1802. 
Petit livre publie d Vepoque de la retrocession de la Louisiane 
par VEspagne d la France et ne contenent absolument rien de 

96. Berquin Duvallon. Vue de la colonie espagnoledu Mississippi 
ou des provinces de la Louisiane et de la Floride ocddentale 
en Tannde 1802, par un observateur rfeidant sur les lieux. 
Ouvrage accompagnS de deux cartes in 8o. Paris. 1803. 
Ce livre ecrit par un homme qui avail su bien mal reconnoitre 
rhospitaliti louisianaise, n'est qu'un long denigrement du pays 
et de ses habitants, il ne pouvait provenir que d'un esprit michant 
et d'un mauvais coeur. 

97. Volney. Tableau du climat et du sol des Etats Unis d'Am^ri- 
que, suivi d'6claircisements sur la Floride, sur la colonie fran- 
caise au Scioto, sur quelques colonies Canadiennes et sur les 
sauvages, avec deux - planches et deux cartes. 2 vol. 8o. 
Paris. 1803. 
Cet ouvrage d ite traduit en anglais sous le litre suivant: 

98. View of the climate and soil of the United States of America 
with some accounts of Florida, the Indians and vocabulary 
of the Miama-Tribe. 8o. 1804. 
La reputation de Volney est trop bien etablie et son talent trop 
generalement reconnu pour qu'il sott necessatre de fatre sutvre 
V indication de son Itvre par aucune reflexion^ il doit 'etre plod au 
premier rang partni les ouvrages d consulter par les I *:uisianais. 

99. Baudry des Lozi&res. Second voyage & la Louisiane pour 
faire suite a celui fait dans les ann^es 1794 a 1798. Paris. 
2 vol. in 8o. 1803. 
Contient une histoire du General Grondel qui avail commandi 
long temps d la Louisiane et pris part d la guerre des Chtcachas. 
Le surplus de set ouvrage renforme des notes sur divers sujets et 
qui servent d'appendice au premier voyage publii par Vauteur. 
(Voir No. 93.) 

100. Anonyme. M6moires sur la Louisiane et la Nouvelle Orleans 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 59 

accompangn6s d'une dissertation sur les avantages que le 
commerce de TEmpire doit tirer de la stiptdation faite par 
Tart. VI. du Trait6 de cession du 30 avril, 1803, suivi d'une 
traduction de diverses notes sur cette colonie, publics aux, 
Etats Unis peu de temps apres la ratification du Traite. In 8o. 
Paris. Ballard. 1804. 

101. Account of Louisiana, being abstracts of documents trans- 
mitted to President Jefferson and by him laid before Con- 
gress: 8o. 1804. 

102. Perrin du Lac. Voyages dans les deux Louisianes et chez les 
nations sauvages du Missouri, par les Etats Unis, TOhio et les 
provinces qui les bordent en 1801, 1802 et 1803, avec un apercu 
des moeurs, des usages, du caract&re et des coutumes reli- 
gieuses et civiles des peuples de ces diverses contr6es. 8o. 
avec carte. Lyon. 1805. 
Cesl principakment la haute Louistane et les populations qui 
Vhabitaient alors que Vauteur s'est attachi a decrire. Son line 
dbonde en details interessants sur les Etats de VOuest, sur les 
postes de Ste. Genevieve, de St. Louis et de SL Charles. Quant d la 
Basse Louisiane, il riy a fait qu'un tres court sijour et ce qu'il en 
dit est renferme dans quelques pages seulement. Perrin du Lac 
etait un observateur judicieux et impartial. 

103. Michaux (F. A.) Voyages a I'ouest des monts Alleghanys, 
dans les 6tats de 1*01110, du Kentucky et du Tennessee, et re- 
tour a Charlestown par ks hautes Carolines, contenant &a. 
enterpris en 1802 sous les auspices de M. Chaptal, ministre de 
rint&ieur, carte in 8o. Paris. 1804. 
Cet ouvrage a ete tradutt en anglais sous le litre suivant: 
Travels to the Westward of the Alleghany mountains. 8o. 
map. 1805. 
Ainsi que le litre Vindique ce voyage d StS fait dans la 
partie Quest des Etats Unis et principalement dans la vallee de 
rOhio, mais comme Vauteur d dicrit les arbres forestiers qui se 
trouvent egalement dans la Louisiane et qu*il jouit d'une grdnde 
reputation comme naturaliste, fai pense que ce livre ne serait pas 
deplaci parmi ceux qui peuvent inter esser les Louisianais. 

105. Robin (C. C.) Voyages dans Tint^rieur de la Louisiane, de la 
Floride occidentale et dans les iles de la Martinique et de St. 
Domingue pendant les annges 1802, 1803, 1804, 1805 et 1806 
contenant de nouvelles observations sur Thistoire naturelle la 

Digitized by 


60 The Jjmisiana Historical Quart^^^ > . ■ 

gfegraphie, les moeurs, ragriculture, le commerce, rindustrie 
et les maladies d'e ces contr^es/patrt^icvilierement siirlafi&vre 
jaune et les moyens de le$ prevenir. En putre cont;enant ce 
qui . s'est pass^ de plus interessant relativement a retablissement 
des AnglQ-Am6riqdns & la Louisiane, suivis de la Flore Louis- 
ianaise avec une carte nouvelle. Paris. F. Buisson. . 3 vol. 
in 80. 1807. 

Le docteur Robin que M, Querard dans sa France litteraire d 
confondu avec son homonyme VAbbe Robin, etait tout d tafois un 
litterateur et un naturaliste distingue. Les voyages dont je donne 
le titre enfontfoi. On y trouvera reunis une Joule (t observations 
judicieuses ecrites avec elegance et qui dicilent le philosophy le 
savant et Vhistorien. 

Le premier volume de cet ouvrage a iteconsacri aux Antill^, mais 
les deux autres le sont entierement d la Louisiane. Le resumi 
htstorique contenu dans les chapitres 41 d 45 est traci de main 
de maitre et avec une impdrtialiti remarquable. ' Vauteur termine 
le compte rendu de la domination espagnols par les reflexions 

''Pendant les trente trois annis que ce pays fut sous la domina- 
tion espagnole, les moeurs francaises ont toujour s fatt le caractke 
dominant de la colonic et les espagnols s'y sont frangisis plutot 
que les frangais ne se sont espagnolisis. Les Gtmverneurs eux- 
memeSy ainsi que les commandants sous eux, ont ^dopti les 
moeurs franchises et ont, eux ou leurs errfans, epousi des fran- 
caises. La.langue espagnol etait si peu usite et la langue fran- 
gaise adopts si generalement que la plupart des frangais nis 
dans cette colonic, mime avant et pendant la domination espagnole. 
n'ont pas eu besoin d'apprendre cette langue*' 
La Floye Louisianaise qui occupe la moitii du troisieme volume 
de cet ouvrage a ite traduite en anglais sous le titre suivant: 

106. Flozula Ludoviciana, Flora of Louisiana by Robin and Ra- 
finesque. 80. 178 pages. New York. 1817. 

107. Henzy*s (Alexander). Travels and adventures in Canada and 
the Indian territories, between the years 1760 and 1776 in two 
parts in 80. New York. 1809. 
Ces voyages entrepris a la mime epoque que ceux de Carver et de 
Long, renferment beaucoup de details sur les tribus qui habitaient 
alors la haute Louisiane. Lauteur raconte plusieurs scenes de la 
guerre de 1761 entre les Indiens alliis des frangais et les anglais. 

108. ScWtz's Jun (Christian) , Travels on an island voyage through 

Digitized by 


Ouvrages Publits sur la Fl&ride W TAH^iehrie Louisiane 61 

the States of New York, Penrisyivariia; Virginia, Ohio, Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee and thrbugh the territories 6i Indiana, 
Louisiana, Mississippi and New Orleans, performed in the 
years 1807 and 1808, with maps and plates. 2 yol. in 8o. 
New York. . 1810. 

Le second volume de cet ouvrage ecrit en forme de lettres, d itS 
consacre par Vauieur, un Amiricain, d la description de la 

109. Pike's (Major Montgomery). Account of an expedition to the 
sources of the Mississippi and through the western part of 
Louisiana during the years 1805, 1806 and 1807. Philadel- 
phia. 8o. or London 4o. with maps. 1810. 

A 6te iraduit enfrancais par Breton sous ce litre: 

110. Voyage au nouveau Mfexiique & la suite d'lme expedition or- 
donn^e par le Gouvemement des Etats Unis pour reconnaitre 
les souces des rivi&res Arkansas, Kansas, La Plate et Pierre 
Jaune dans rintSrieur de la Loi^siane occidental^, pr6c6d6 
d'une excursion aux sources du Mississippi pendant Jes ann6es 
1805, 1806 et 1807, om6 d'une carte de la Louisiane en trois 
parties. Paris. d'Hautel. 2 vol. in 8o. 1812. 
Avant cette expedition ordonni par le Gouvernement des Etats 
Unis, dont la direction fut confii au Major Pike par le General 
Wilkinson, on rC avail que des notions tres vagues et tres contra- 
dictoires sur la source du Mississippi, (^'est a cet officier qui d 
rempli sa mission avec auiant d' intelligence que de courage, que 
nous sommes redevables d* avoir fixi les sources et le cours du 
grand fteuve d'une rriani^e plus precise. Vingt ans apres l* ex- 
ploration du major, M. Beliram qui visita aussi les sources du 
Mississippi et qui probablement, n'avait pas lu la relation, 
de Pike, crut de bonne foi, en avoir fait la dicouverte, dont il rend 
compie dans Vouvrage portant le No. 134. 

111. Stodart's (Major Amos). Sketches historical and descrip- 
tive of Louisiana. Philadelphia. 8o. 1812. 

112. Lee's (Henry). Memoirs x>i the war in the southern depart- 
ment of the United States. Philadelphia. 2 vol. in 8o. 1812. 

113. Lewis's and Clark's (Captaiils). History of the expedition 

under the command of to the source of the Missouri, 

thetice aCr6ss th6 Rocky Mountain^ and down the river Co- 
lombia to the Pacific Ocean; performed during the years 1804, 
1805 and 1806, Philadelphia. 2 v6l. 6o. 1 12. 

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62 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Le recit des Vexpedittcn des capttatnes Leuts et Clark fatt par 
P. Gass, d iti tradutt en franfais par Lalkment, sous le tttre 

114. Voyage des capitaines Lewis and Clark depuis rembouchure 
du Missouri, jusqu'a Tentrfie de la Colombia dans I'oc^an 
pacifique, fait dans les ann^es 1804, 1805 et 1806 par ordre du 
Govemement des Etats Unis contenant &a. in 8o. carte. 1810. 
pacifique, fait dans les annees 1804, 1805 et 1806 par ordre du 
Gouvernement des Etats Unis contenant &a. in 8o. Carte. 

• Paris. Arthur Bertrand. 1810. 

115. EUicott's (Andrew). Journal for determining the boimdary 
between the United States and the possessions of his Catholic 
Majesty in America. Philadelphia. 4 maps. ^ 1814. 

116. Breckenridge (H. M.) View of Louisiana 8o. Pittsburg. 1814. 

117. The same. Journal of a voyage up the river Missouri. 12o. 
Baltimore. 1815. 
Vun et V autre de ces outrages me soni tnconnus. 

118. Anonyme. Defaite de Tarmfe anglaise command^ par Sir 
Edward Pakenham, a Tattaque du 8 Janvier, 1815, de la ligne 
de retranchments de Tarme Am^ricaine command^ par le 
General Jackson. 8o. Gravures. Nouvelle Orleans. 1815. 

119. Lacarrifere Latour's (Major A.) Historical memoirs of the war 
in West Florida and Louisiana in 1814, 1815, written original- 
ly in French and translated for the author by H. O. Nugent, 
with an atlas. Philadelphia in 8o. 1816. 
Cest memotres ant iti dedtis par Vauteur au General Jackson, 
comme un temotgnage de reconnaissance et d^ admiration dont il se 
faisait Vorgane pour ses concitoyens. ''The voice of the whole 
nation has spared me the task of showing how much of these im- 
portant results are due to the energy, ability and courage of a sin- 
gle many On pourra juger de Vimporiance de ces Memoires 
pour Vhistoire de la Louisiane, par Vextrait suivant de la preface 
du major Latour: *7 have m this work endeavoured to relate in 
detail, unth the utmost exactness and precision the principal 
events which took place m the course of this campaign, I have 
related facts as I myself saw them, or as they were told me my 
credible eye witnesses. I do not believe that through the whole 
of this narrative I have swerved from the truth ma single instance', 
if, however, by one of those unavoidable mistakes to which every 
man is subject I have involuntarily misstated or omitted to state 

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Ouvrages Publiis $ur to Flotide et VAncienne Louisiane 63 

any material circurManee, I shall be ready to acknowledge 
my error whenever it shall be pointed out to me.'' 
Cest dans les memoires du major Latour, qu'il faut lire la rela- 
tion de la memorable campagne qui valut au General Jackson le 
litre de Sauveur de la Louisiane. 

120. Brown's (Samuel R.) The Western Gazetteer or Emigrant's 
Directory, containing a geographical description of the 
Western States and Territories, viz: The States of Kentucky, 
Indiana, Louisiana, Ohio, Tennessee and Mississippi and the 
territories of Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Michigan and North 
Western etc. Auburn. N^w Ycrk. 80. 1817. 
Ce guide, a Vusage des emigrants dans Vouest des Etats Unis, est 
le premier, je crois, qui ait ete publii. II est composi d'une foule 
de rensetgnements aussi exacts q'utiles. 

121. Darby (W.) A geographical description of Louisiana. 80. 
New York. 1817. 

122. Bradbury's (J.) Travels in the interior of America in the years 
1809, 1810, 1811, including a description of upper Louisiana 
together with the States of Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana and 
Tennessee, in 80. Liverpool. 1817. 

123. Birkbeck's (Morris). Notes on a journey in America from the 
coast of Virginia to the territory of Illinois. In 80. Map. 
London. 1818. 

124. The same. Letters from Illinois in 80. London. 1818. 
Ce dernier ouvrage d itS traduit enfrangais sous le litre suivant: 

125. Lettres sur les nouveaux Stablissements qui se forment dans 
les parties occidentales des Etats Unis d'Am^rique. in 80. 
Cartes. . 1819. 

126. Bradshaw Pearson's (Henry). Sketches of America. A nar- 
rative of a journey of five thousand miles through the eastern 
and the western States of America; contained in eight reports 
addressed to the thirty-nine English families by whom the 
author was deputed in June, 1817 etc., with remarks on Birk- 
beck's notes and letters. 80. London. 1818. 

127. Warden (D. B.) A statistical, political and historical account 
of the United States of North America. Edinburg. Constable. 
3 vol. 80. Maps and plates. 1819. 
Le docteur Warden a traduit lui meme son lime en francais sous 
le litre suivant: 

128. Description Statistique, historique et politique des Etats Unis. 
Paris. Rey et Gravier. 5 vol. in 80. avec figures et cartes. 1820. 

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64 ' The Louisiana Historical Quart(?rly . »>• 

, La^ publication de 4>e lime remarqudble ouvrit'uu Dtr Warden les 
partes de VInstitut de France, dont il devint me^bre d cetteepoque, 
II continua ses travaux litter aires et donna quelques annSs plus 
tard Vouvrage suivant, que sa mort suf venue en 1S4S, Tempecha 
de terminer. . 

129. L'art de verifier les dates ou chronologie historique de T Amferi- 
que. Paris. 10 volumes in 8o. 1826 & 1845. 
Ouvrage rempli de recherches precieuses et que Vauteur aurait sans 
doute traduiten.anglsis s*il n'eut ete enlevi aussi prematurement. ' 

130. Seybert's (Adam). Statistical amials. View of the popula- 
tion, commerce, navigation, fisheries, public lands. Post- 
office establishment, revenues, mint, military and naval estab- 
lishments, expenditures, public debt, and sinking fund of the 
United States of America founded on official documents com- 
mencing on the 4th of March, 1789^ and ending on the 20th 
of April, 1818. Large 4o. Philadelphia. 1818. 

131. Schoolcrafft's (H.) Narrative Journal of Travels from Detroit 
North West through the great chain of American lakes to the 
sources of Mississippi river in 1820. Albanyin 8o. Maps. 1821. 

132. Montul6 (Ed. de). Voyage en Am§rique, en Italie, en Sidle et 
en Egypt pendant les ann6es 1816 4 1819. 2 vol. in 8o. et 
atlas. Paris. 1821. 
Les lettres XII a XXe, du 2e. volume de cet ouvrage sont Scrttes 
de la Louisiane et sont consacris par Vauteur d la description 
de la valU du Mississippi. 

133. Adam's (John Quincy). The duplicate letters, the Fisheries 
and the Mississippi. Docimients relating to transactions and 
the negotiations of Ghent. Collected and published by J. Q. A. 
one'of the commissioners of the United States at that negotia- 
tion in 8o. Washington. 1822. 

134. Beltram (J. C.) La dteouverte des sources du Mississippi et 
de la riviere sanglante. Description du cours entier du Mis- 
sissippi. Nouvelle Orleans. 8o. 1823. 
Cet ouvrage d ite traduit en anglais sous le litre suivant: 

135. Pilgrimage in Europe and America, leading to the discovery 
of the sources of the Mississippi, Bloody river and Ohio. 
2 vol. 8o. Plates. 1828. 
Le major Pike pendant les annees 1805 a 1807 avail deja reconnu 
les sources du Mississippi et parcouru les contris qui le furent 
bien plus tard par M. Beltram. Cest done a tort que ce voyageur 
s'attribue la decouverte des sources du grand fleuve. Toutefois, 
son livre ecrit avec un peu trop d'empkase meridionale, n'en est 

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Ouvrages Publies sur la Flaride et fAncienne Lauisiane 65 

pas moins interessant par les epi$o4es et les descriptions qu'il 
y a semes. 

136. Keating's (William). Narrative of an expedition to the 
source of St. Peter's river, Lake Winnepeek, lake of the woods, 
etc., performed in the year 1823 by order of J. C. Calhoun, 
Secretary of War, under the command of Stephen H. Long. 
2 volimies in 8o. London. 1825. 
Lahontan est le premier qui ait remonii le riviire St. Pierre a 
laquelle il avait donni le nam de Rivitre longue. On crut pendant 
longtemps que sa relation etait fabuleuse et que les grandes lacs 
interieurs de Winnepeek, des Bois et autres, n'existaient que dans 
son imagination. U expedition du major Long a prouvi que 
Lahontan n' avait pas toujours attiri la viritS. 

137. G)llot (General Victor). Voyage dans rAmerique septen- 
trionale, ou Description des pays arros^s par le Mississippi, 
rOhio, le Missouri et autres rivieres affluentes, &a. avec im 
atlas de 36 cartes, plans, vues et figures. 2 vol. 8o. Paris. 
Arthus Bertrand. 1826. 
(Une premi&re edition avait paru en 1804.) 

LeGhtiral Collet vintpour la premise fois en Amtrique a tipoque 
de la guerre de Vindependance, il servait alors dans VEtat major 
du marichal Rochambeau. 

Plus tard, en 1796, il entreprit de visiter les diver ses parties des 
Etats Unis et de la Louisiane; Vouvrage ci-dessus indiqui est le 
resultat de ses voyages. Le second volume est consacri en entier 
d la haute et Basse Louisiane sur ksquelles le Giniral donne les 
details les plus etendus. 

138. Martin's (F. X.) The history of Louisiana. New Or- 
leans. B. Levy. 2 vol. in 8o. 1827. 
Le Juge Martin est le premier icrivain qui ait publii une histoire 
de la Louisiane en anglais. Pour un frangais, la tache etait 
dificile, aussi Vauteur ne la remplit-t-il pas d la satisfaction 
ginirale. Son style est dm, barbare et compost d' expressions 
moitii anglaises moitii frangaises sous le rapport de V exactitude, 
il laisse egalement beaucoup a desirer. Cest Vopinion du Dr. 
Monette qui s*exprime ainsi sur son compte: Martin is so often 
in error in relation to dates that his authority must yield when it 
conflicts with other sources of information. 

139. Holmes's (Dr. Abiel). Annals of America from 1492 to 1828; 
the second edition enlarged. 2 thick vol. 8o. Cambridge. 1829. 

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66 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

La chronologie du Dr. Holmes est un ouvrage capital, tant sous 
le rapport de V exactitude, que sous celui de rimpartialiti dont 
Vauteur fait preuve dans ses Jugements. 

140. Barbe Marbois. Histoire de la Louisiane et de la cession de 
cette colonie par la France aux Etats Unis de rAm6rique 
septentrionale pr6c6d6 d'un discours sur la constitution et le 
gouvemement des Etats Unis avec une carte relative k Tetendue 
des pays c6d6s in 80. Paris. Didot. 1829. 
Cet ouvrage d iti traduit en anglais sous le litre suivant: 

141. History of Louisiana particularly of the cession of that colony 
to the United States. 80. 1830. 
Uouvrage de M. Barbe Marbois n'est interessant que sous le 
rapport du compte rendu des negotiaiions auxquelles il avail pris 
part et des pieces qui V accompagnent. Quant au rSsumi historique 
qui est placi en lite du Itvre, il laisse beaucoup a desirer et est 
peu en rapport avec le talent de cet homme d*Etat. 

142. Armroyd's (G.) A connected view of the whole internal navi- 
gation of the United States, natural and artificial, present and 
prospective; with maps and profiles, etc. in 80. Philadel- 
phia. 1830. 
Cet important ouvrage contient de nombreux documents sur les 
cours d'eau et les caneaUx de la Louisiane. 

143. Murat. (Achille). Lettres sur les Etats Unis, 6crites S un de 
ses amis d'Europe. Paris in I80. 1830. 
L'auteur de ces lettres d risidi longtemps dans la Floride ou il 
itait venu chercher un refuge contre la proscription. Ce qu'il 
Scrivait il y d vingt cinq arts est aussi neuf et surtout aussi vrai 
que s'il V avail publii depuis peu. II serait difficile de reunir en 
moins de pages plus d' observations exactes sur les Etats Unis 
en ghtiral, mais principalement sur leurs parties sud, c'est d ce 
dernier litre que nous les mentionons ici parmi les ouvrages sur la 
Louisiane. Ce petit livre pourrait servir d'Epitome d tous ceux 
qui, sans compulser un grand nombre de volumes, voudraient 
acquerir des renseignements precis sur les moeurs, les habitudes 
et la maniire de vivre des diverses fractions de la population de 
V Union, aussi bien que sur les institutions politiques qui en 
relient toutes les parties entre elles. 

144. Flpt's (Th.) A condensed Geography and History of the 
Western States of the Mississippi Valley. 2 vol. in 80. Cin- 
cinnati. 1832. 

145. Poussin (Major Guillaume Tell.) Travaux d'am^liorations 
interieures projetfe ou ex6cut6s par le Gouvemement general des 

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Ouvrages Publies sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 67 

Etats Unis d'Am6rique de 1824 a 1831 in 4o. et atlas. In Fo. 
Paris. 1834. 

Le major Poiissin, qui depuis representa la France aux Etats Unis 
fut attachi d'abord comme aide de camp a la personne du General 
Bernard et Vaccompagna dans ses diverses inspections des points 
militaires de V Union. La lettre suivante du Gineral pricede 
r outrage du major et en est V apreciation: **J'ai lu avec le plus 
vif interet Vhistoires des grands travaux auxquels vous et moi 
avons Hi associis pendant quinze arts et qui, sur V autre hemis- 
phere, attestent Vesprit d'entreprise qui caracterise la nation 
Am&ricaine. La manidre dont vous avez traiti ce beau sujet, sous 
les rapports pohtiques, commerciaux et militaires et sous ceux 
de I'art, rendra voire ouvrage, nan seulement en France, mats 
encore en Amirique, digni de V attention des hommes eclairis'' 

146. Hall's (James). Notes on the Western States containing 
descriptions, sketches of their soil, climate, resources, and 
scenery. Philadelphia. In 12o. 1838. 

147. Vail (Eugene), citoyen Americain. Notice sur les Indiens 
de TAmferique du nord, om6e de quatre portraits colories 
dessin6s d'aprfes nature et une carte. Paris Arthus Bertrand. 
InSo. 1840. 
Dans la priface de son ouvrage, Vauteur en expose ainsi le plan: 
**Afin de procider avec quelque methode nous classons notre 
travail de fagon a toucher legirement, car la statistique nous fait 
fautepresque entterement pour cette ipoque de vague et dHncerti- 
tude ou rspi remplissait un plus grand rdle que la plume, aux 
questions Suivantes; savoir: 

La condition et r occupation du territoire par les tribus sauvages 
lors du premier debarquement des premiers pionniers Europiens. 
D'apris quel droit et sous quel pretexte tls s'emparerent du sol: 
Quelles etaient les relations existant entre ceux-ci et les Indiens 
d Vipoque de la declaration d'independance des Etats Unis; car, 
et nous Vavouons tout d'abord, nous avons principalement d 
coeur d'ecarter Vidi injusie et errone avanci par quelques 
ecrivains, que les Ssules moyens employes par nous pour deplacer 
les Indiens aient ite la bayonette, pour Vexpulsion des uns, et 
V influence diaboloques des liquers fortes pour detruire les autres 
tandis que au contraire, nous ne craignons nullement de mettre 
au grand jour les procedis mis en usage jusqu'a ce jour par le 
Gouvernement Americain pour diminuer autant que faire se pent 
la rtgueur du traitement que les Indiens ont necessairement eu a 

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68 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

subir; comme consequence de la civilisation et de leur caractere 

Enfin nous essaierons de deer ire leurs moeurSj et apres avoir 
indique avec precision les efforts de nos philantropes et les im- 
menses sacrifices fails par la nation pour rendre justice d cette 
classe malheureuse d'hommes nous laisserons a nos lecteurs d en 
deduire eux mimes st, avec de tels elements, il etatt possible de 
faire mieux. La carte qui accompagne cet ouvrage, indique la 
position et le nom des diverses tribus sauvages qui occupaient 
VAmerique du Nord, depuis Vanne 1600 d I'anni 1800, et eUe 
ne pent manquer d'interesser les Louisianais dont la contri 
renfermait un si grand nombre de peuplades. 

148. Spark's (of Cambridge). Life of de la Salle. Boston. 8o. 1844. 
La reputation de M. Sparks comme Siographe est solidement 
etablie par les divers ouvrages quHl a publii sur les hommes 
eminents des Etats Unis, aussi je regrette vivemeni de n' avoir 
pu me procurer Vouvrage dont je donne le litre ci dessus d* apres 
Mr. Falconer, car je ne doute pas, qu'il n'ait traiiS la vie de La 
Salle avec la mime hauteur de vues et avec autant d*habiltti que 
celle de Washington. 

149. Falconer (Thomas). On the discovery of the Mississippi arid 
the South Western Oregon and North Western boimdary of 
the U. S. with a translation from the original M.S. of memoirs 
relating to the discovery of the Mississippi by de la Salle and 
Tonti. 8o. Map. London. 1844. 
Vouvrage de M. Falconer est du plus haul interit pour Vhistoire 
de la Louisiana Uextrait suivant de la priface de Vauteur servira 
tout d lafois a faire connaitre son livre et celui de M. Sparks: 
**When in Paris in 1843, I collected some material to serve for an 
account of the discoveries of La Salle, and a friend was kind 
enough to give me copies of the documents which had been ob- 
tainedfrom the archives of the marine. In the course of the present 
year a Life of La Salle,' written by Mr. Sparks of Cambridge, 
Massachusetts, has been published; and this work renders any 
similar one needless. The documents I have translated which I 
hope will hereafter be published in their original language, ren- 
dered an abstract of La Salle* s Journey necessary in order to ex- 
plain their value, but as these journeys have been the foundation 
of contested claims to extensive territories in North America, 
I enlarged my first sketch and have traced their consequences in 
the negotiations that have occurred respecting the western boundary 
of the United States.** 

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Ouvrages Publiis sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 69 

Void la note des documents que Von trouvera dans Vouvrage de 
Mr. Falconer: 

La geneologie V Iberville, gentilhomme canadien, et de Bienville 
sonfrhe, les deux fondateurs de la colonic de la Louisiane, 
Une relation signi Tonti, de la route tenue par lui depuis la 
riviire des Illinois au golfe de Mexique, en descendant le Mis- 

Un mimoire de Cavalier de la Salle, relatif d Ventreprise proposi 
au Mis. de Seignelay sur une province de Mexique. 
Les lettres patentes donnis par le Roi de France au Sr. de la 
Salle le 12 mai 1678. 

Un mimoire du Sr. de la Salle adressi au Mis. de Seignelay dans 
lequel il lui rend compte de la decouverte du Mississippi faite 
par lui d'apres les ordres du Roi. Le testament de La Salle. 
Memoire envoye en 1693 sur la decouverte du Mississippi et les 
nations voisihes, par M. deLa Salle depuis Vanni 1678 jusqu'a 
Vipoque de sa mort et continue par le Sr. de Tonti jusqu'a Vanni 

Ce dernier mimoire est signi Hy. de Tonty. Cest probablement 
par ce document official et authentique Vediteur de Vouvrage 
indiqui sous le No. 20 d pris le canevas sur lequel on lui reproche 
d^ avoir si bien brode. 
150. Monett's (John W.) History of the discovery and settlement 
of the Mississippi by the three great European powers, Spain, 
France and Great Britain; and the subsequent occupation, 
settlement, and extension of civil government by the United 
States imtil the year 1846. New York. Harper. 2 
8o. 1846. 

Sous ce litre, c'est une histoire complete de la Louisiane que nous a 
donni le Dr. Monett. Le plan de son ouvrage est d'une sim- 
pliciti admirable et il Va executi avec autant de fideliti que de 
talent. Nous traduirons la partte de sa priface dans laquelle tl 
expose la marche qu'il a suivie: 

''Le plan de ceUouvrage est simple, il resulte de Vordre dans lequel 
se sont avancis les diverses colonies pour occuper les contris qui 
forment les Etats Unis actuels. 

''Les Espagnols ay ant iti les plus anciens pionniers de la valli 
du Mississippi, leurs diverses expeditions fournirent le sujet 
d'un premier livre. 

"Les Frangais, a leur tour, venus apres les agressifs Espagnols, 
ont iti les explorateurs pacifique et les premiers colons permanents 
qui ont accupi et etabli les rives du Mississippi. Le recit de 

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70 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

leurs dicouvertes et Vhistoire de leur colonie seront le sujet d'un 
second lime. 

*'La Grande Bretagne, lajalouse rivale de la France y etendit ensutte 
ses colonies dans les conirees de VOuest, ne cessani d'enpiiter sur 
les possessions francaises jusqu'au moment ou maitresse du 
Canada, elle s'approprie la moitne de la partie Est de la grande 
valU du Mississippi et y joignit les Florides. 
''Les progres de ses colonies a Vouest des Alleghanys, ses combats 
avec les Francais et leurs allies indigenes, son occupation subse- 
quente du pays, seront le sujet du iroisieme lime. 
En 1763 lorsgue la Louisiane fut demembri et que VAngleterre 
' se fut assurS la possession de toute la partie Est a V exception 
de fisle d'Orleans, VEspagne acquit toute la partie de VOuest y 
compris cette derniere cedi par la France. La Louisiane se 
trouva done, partagi entreces deux puissances. LEspagne 
rentree en possession des Florides en 1781, les conserva ainsi que 
la Louisiane jusqu'a la fin de 1803, epoque d laquelle elle la re- 
troceda a la France. 

Vacquisition et Voccupation par les Espagnols de ces vastes 
provinces, leur gouvernement et la cessation de leur pouvoir, 
fourniront la matiire du quatrieme lime. 
**Peu de temps apres lesEtats Unis declarerent leur independance, 
qui fut reconnue par VAngleterre, ils se trouvtrent ainsi substituer 
aux droits reclames par elle sur le territoire a VEst du Mississippi 
et qui s'etendait au sud jusqu'aux limites particuliires de la 
Floride. Les Etais Unis formerent de nouveaux Hats d Vouest 
des Alleghany s et etendirent de plus en plus leur author ite. Peu 
a peu ils ttoignirent les indigenes de la partie est du Mississippi; 
et finalement, par negociations on par traitis, tls s'annexirent 
ioutes les provinces espagnoles situees a Vouest de fieuve jusqtCau 
Rio del Norte. 

Uextension des etabhssements, la fondation des institutions 
civiles, Vaccroissement de la population, les guerres et les traitis 
avec les tribus indigines, les acquisations de territoire, les progris 
de V agriculture, des manufactures et du commerce aidis par la 
puissance de la vapeur, formeront la matiire du cinquieme lime.'' 
Dans la partie de Vouvrage du Dr. Monett relative a la domina- 
tion frangaise a la Louisiane, on pent regretter qu'il n'ait pris 
pour guides que des auteurs ayant ecrit en anglais tels que Martin, 
Bancroft, Stodard, Darby. 

II a pu s'apercevoir combien le premier etait inexact en le corn- 
parent avec le second, mais s'il eut consulte Charlevoix il se fut 

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 71 

convaincu en outre que presque tous les materiaux qui ont servi 
aux quatre ecrivains que nous venons de citer se trouvaient reunis 
dans Vhistoire de la Nouvelle France. 

151. Bunner's (T.) History of Louisiana from its first discovery 
and settlement to the present time. New York. Inl8o. 1846. 
Ce resume historique fait partie de la collection Harper. II est 
icrit avec talent. 

152. Bancroft's. History of the United States from the discovery 
of the American continent to the declaration of Independence. 
Royal So. 1847. 
Uouvrage de M. Bancroft est trop bien connu des lecteurs Lou- 
isianais et surtout trop bien apprecii par eux pour que des re- 
flexions quelconques de ma part, ajoutent le moins du monde d la 
reputation merite de cet historien. II est probable que Vidition 
que fai sous les yeux n'est pas la premise qui ait ite public de 
cet important ouvrage. 

153. Gayarrfe (Charles). Histoire de la Louisiane. 2 vol. in 8o. 
Nouvelle Orleans. 1846-1847. 

154. Le meme. Pour servir de suite au precedent ouvrage. His- 
tory of Louisiana. The Spanish domination. 1 fort voliune 
8o. New York. 1854. 
M. Gayarre debuta comme historien en 1830, par la publication 
de deux volumes intitules: Essais historiques sur la Louisiane. 
II etait fort jeune alors et il manquait tout a lafois de materiaux 
et d'experience. Mais depuis cette epoque, M. Gayarre, entrS 
dans la carrier e politique deson pays y d occupe un poste impor- 
tant. II d 6ti d mime de puiser dans les archives de VEtat, et de 
plus, il a fait d Parts un assez long sejour pendant lequel il d pris 
connaissance des nombreux documents sur la Louisiane contenus 
dans les depots de la marine et d la Bibliotheque imperiale. II 
les d utilisis dans la premise partie de son ouvrage qui renferme 
un grand nombre de pieces inedites et importantes. On peut 
regretler toutefois que Vauteur ait passe aussi rapidement sur 
Vepoque de la premiire exploration de la Louisiane par Marquette 
et La Salle; une page de son livre est d peine consacri au premier 
et un vingtaine aux deux expeditions du second. Cependant 
M. Gayarre dit dans la preface qui sert d' introduction d son 
ouvrage: ''Comme ecrivain je me suis complethnent effaci et 
fai cherchi d faire raconter Vhistoire par les contemporains 
eux-memes.** line plus belle occasion d'executer cette promesse 
ne pouvait s'offrir a M. Gayarre, en mettant sous les yeux de ses 
lecteurs le recit tout d lafois si simple et si naif du pere Marquette 

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72 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

ou quelques extraits du journal du veridique Joutel. Mais bien 
qu*il eut d sa disposition outre ces deux relations celles des ptres 
Zenobe, Anasthase et Hennepin, M, Gayarre a donne la prefer- 
ence d Vouvrage publii sous le nom de Tonti. Ce choix n*est pas 
heureux, car personne n' ignore que cette relation d eti tellemerU 
amplifii et embellie par Vediteur que c*est d grand peine si on 
pent distinguer le vrai du faux. Aussi les discours que M. 
Gayarre met dans la bouche de la Salle et de Mansolea sont ils 
ornis des mimes fleurs de rhetorique que ceux de Tonti. En 
gintraU le livre de M . Gayarre est un tableau fidile et animi des 
evenements qui se sont passis d la Louistane depuis sa dicouverte 
jusqu'a la cession qui en fut faite d VEspagne en 1762, 1769; 
mais il estfacheux qu'il se soil laissi un peu trop alter d la diclama- 
tion, d Vemploi de Vhyperbole et au dinigrement d'une ipoque 
qui d produit les plus beaux genies de la France. 
La seconde partte de Vouvrage de M. Gayarre' ecrite en anglais, est 
enticement consacri d Vhistoire de la domination espagnole d la 
Louistane (1770 a 1802). Nous laisserons Vauteur nous dire 
lui-mhne dans quel esprit elle a ete ecrite: 
"/ must call the attention of the reader to a singular anomaly 
which IS — that with all the foul abuses and tyrannical practices 
with which it has been so long the general custom to reproach the 
government of Spain everywhere, her administration m Louisiana 
was as popular as any that ever existed in any part of the world; 
and I am persuaded that I can rely on the unanimous support 
of my contemporaries when I declare that they scarcely ever met 
in Louisiana, an individual old enough to have lived under the 
Spanish Government in the colony and judged of its bearing on the 
happiness of the people who did not speak of it with affectionate 
respect, and describe those days of colonial rule as the golden age, 
which with many was the object of secret and with others of open 

S'il fallait s'en rapporter d V opinion de M. Gayarre, on devraii 
en conclure que les Louisianais de cette ipoque avaient tres peu de 
mimoire ou quHls etaient doues d'une abnegation et d'un oubli 
des injures que je n'ai guere observSs chez leurs descendants. 
155. French's. Historical collections of Louisiana, embracing 
translations of many rare and valuable documents relating to 
the natural, civil and political history of that state, with a map. 
8o. Part II, Philadelphia. 1850. 

Je n'ai sous les yeux que le second volume de la collection de M. 
French ; je ne suis done pas en misure de rendre compte du premier. 

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Ouvrages Publics sur la Floride et VAncienne Louisiane 73 

M. French debute par ceiie phrase: *'In preparing this volume 
for the press, it has been my object to clear up as much as possible, 
by the publication of important narratives, all doubts respecting 
the claim of Spain to the first discovery, and of France to the first 
settlement and exploration of the Mississippi river.'' 
M. French aurait certainement pu s'ivtter cette peine, car il est 
permis de croire qu'tl existe pas une personne ayant deja lu 
Vhistoire de la Louisiane qui ne soil convaincu de ces deux vSritis. 
Alors quels sont les lecterns que M, French veut convaincre? 
Dans un autre endroit de sa priface il s'exprime ainsi sur la 
carte quHl a jointe d son livre: ''The valuable and rare map 
accompanying this volume is a well executed facsimile of the 
original. It aspires to a degree of accuracy that is of great im- 
portance both to the historian and antiquarian.'' Oui, la carte de 
de I' Isle est tres bonne et tres estimi mais puisque M.French en 
gratifiait ses lecteurs il aurait du faire choix pour la reproduire 
non d'une contrefagon faite en Hollande en 1720, mais bien de la 
veritable carte de de I'lsle, publii d Paris en 1712. Si M. French 
eut voulu s'en donner la peine, il aurait trouvS grand nombre 
d'exemplaires de cette carte dont V execution repond mieux que la 
contrefagon aux eloges meritis qu'il lui donne. 
La carte reproduite par M. French se trouve dans deux ouvrages 
reimprimis d Amsterdam: Histoire de la Floride, par Garcillasso 
de la Vega et dans le volume IXe. de la collection des voyages au 

nord, dont nous avons donne le litre sous le No Inutile 

de dire que comme toutes les contrefagons elle est remplie defautes 
grossieres qui sont facile a apercevoir. Passons maintenant 
aux diverses pieces qui composent ce second volume des Annates 
historiques de la Louisiane. 

M. French dans un ''account of the Louisiana Historical Society," 
nous en donne la constitution et le but, mais nous y cherchons en 
vain le resultat utile que ses travaux ont procurS au public Louis- 

A la suite on trouve: 

A discourse on the life, writings, etc. of the Hon. F. Martin. 
De I'aveu de tous, le Juge Martin etait un Jurisconsulte distinguS, 
mais considM comme historien, il est permis de ne pas partager 
r opinion de M. French et de trouver que son History of Louisiana 
est un livre inexact, mal krit et qui ne fait guire honneur a son 

An analytical index of all the public documents in Paris relat- 
ing to the discovery and early settlement of Louisiana. 

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74 The Louisiana Historical Qmrierly 

Nous ne pouvons que remercier M. French d'avoir publii ce 
catalogue qui eviiera d d'autres les recherches qui ont iti faites 
par Mr. E. /. ForstalL 

A translation of an original letter of Hernando de Soto on the 
conquest of Florida. 

A translation of a recently discovered manuscript. 
Journals of the expeditions of Hernando de Soto into Florida, 
by Luis Hernandez de Biedma. 

M. French d omis de dire a ses lecteurs qu'il avail emprunti ces 
deux pieces au Recueil de M. Ternaux Campans (Voir No. 12) 
et on pourrail croire qu'il les avail traduites de V original espagnol, 
si on ne Irouvait dans sa relation des expressions frangaises qui 
ont cependant leur equivalent en anglais. II eut done iti de toute 
justice de citer d cette occasion en s'appropriant son travail le 
nom de Vecrivain distinguS auquel nous somtnes redevable de tant 
de recherches pricieuses sur Vhistoire d*Amirtque. 
A narrative of the expedition of Hernando de Soto into Florida, 
by a gentleman of Elvas, translated from the Portuguese by 
Richard Hakluyt in 1609. 

Dans cette ritmpression de la traduction de Hakluyt, M. French 
d supprimi la division par chapitre et le Sommaire qui les precedait 
ce qui en rend la lecture un peu fastidieuse, car on ne sail ou 
reprendre haleine. II a crut bon, aussi de rajeunir Vorthographe 
d* Hakluyt et de le traduire en anglais moderne. Si le livre de 
M. French ne devait itre lu que des Grangers d la langue anglaise, 
nous comprendrions cette transformation mais annoncer que 
Von reproduit un icrivain du 17e. siicle et lui donner Vorthographe 
du 19e.y nous parait itre ou un contresens, ou une difiance de 
Vintelligence du lecteur. A la suite de Vexpedition de Soto, M. 
French riimprime la fameuse description de la Louisiane par 
D. Coxe, mains sa curieuse priface (voir No. 37). Nous ne 
reviendrons pas sur Verreur de date que nous avons deja signalee, 
mais nous nous permettrons d' observer d M. French que puisque 
son but en publiant cet ouvrage itait de dissiper tous les doutes 
relativement a la revendication des Espagnols a la dicouverte de la 
Louisiane, et d celle des francais a son etablissement et d son 
exploration premiire; il d iti mal inspiri en choissant Vecrit d*un 
auteur qui affirme que ce sont les anglais seuls qui ont droit d 
cette double pretention. II nous semble done qu'en perdant son but 
de vue, M. French a contribui d rendre son lecteur encore plus 
incertain, bien loin de dissiper ses doutes. 
Mr. French termine son livre par une traduction du Journal du 

Digitized by 


Ouvrages PublUs sur la Floride el VAncienne Louisiane 75 

pere Marquelle, Iraduclion gut avail dija paru en 1699 d la suile 
de la relalion du pere Hennepin {Voir No. 19). Dans Vordre 
chronologique, eel icril aurail du pricider celui de Coxe, puisque 
le premier d ele publie plus de 25 ans avanl le second. On serail 
lenli de croire, en le voyanl ainsi rejele a la fin du volume j que la 
date de 1598, deja relate, a ite mise intentionellement pour 
dinner aux anglais une priorite qui ne leur appartieni pas. 

156. Brasseur de Bourburg. (rabbe). Histoire du Canada, de son 
feglise et de ses missions depuis la dteouverte de TAmferique 
jusqu'fi nos jours, 6crite sur des documents in6dits compulses 
dans les archives de TArcheveche et de la ville de Quebec. 
2 vol. in 8o. Paris. 1852. 
Le premier volume de cet ouvrage est igalement interessant pour 
Vhistotre de la Louisiane qui est redevable de sa colmtsation aux 
habitans du Canada. 

Vabbi Brasseur ne s'est pas borni d parler de VEglise et des mis- 
sions de la Nouvelle France, son livre renferme des fails historiques 
qui seront lus avec autant plus de plaisir par Vhomme du monde; 
qu'ils sont racontes avec clartti et avec impartiality. 

157. Ampere (J. J.) de T Acad6mie francaise. Promenade en Am^ri- 
que, Etats Unis, Cuba, Mexique. 2 volumes en 8o. Paris, 
Levy. 1855. 
Un intervalle de 170 annSs, a peine, separi la premiire visile 
du pere Marquette d la Louisiane de celle faite en dernier lieu 
par M. Ampere. Que de transformations se sont operh pendant ce 
lapse de temps, qui, pour la vielle Europe paraitrait si courte! 
Ld, ou le pauvre missionaire, sur un frele canot d'ecorces, ne 
trouvait que solitude, forets impinetrabks. peuplades barbares, 
nulle trace de culture; Vacademicien voyage dans un palais fiot- 
tant, il rencontre d chaque pas des citis florissantes, des campagnes 
cultivis, des usines de toute nature et une Sociite qui, ne le cede 
en rien a celle de VEurope. Uillusion du voyageur est telle qu'en 
assistant d certaines reunions, il se croit transport dans un 
Salon de la Chausse d'Antin. 

Mais pourqui s'etonner des merveilles operes dans un si court 
espace? La f 6. qui les a produites, ne s'appelle elk pas la liberie? 

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76 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 




158. Acosta (El padre Joseph de). Historia natural y moral de las 
Indias, en que se traten las cosas notables del cielo, y elementos, 
metales, plantas, y animales d'ellas y los Ritos y ceremonias, 
leyes y goviemo, y guerras de los Indios. 4o. 1590. 
A 616 traduite enfrangais sous le titre suivant: 

159. Histoire naturelle et morale des Indes orientales de J. de 
Acosta. Traduite par R. Regnault; et en anglais celui de: 

160. The natural and moral history of the East and West Indies by 
J. Acosta; translated into English by E. G. 4o. 1604, 
Le mhne ouvrage d 6t6 traduit en allemand, en Hoilandais et en 

De Laet. Novus Orbis &a. 

Ouvrage d6ja indiqu6 sous les Nos. 8 et 9. 

161. Le M6me. Notae ad dissertationem hugonis Grotii de origine 
gentium Am^ricanarun et observationes aliqot ad meliorem 
indugiiiem difficillinae hujus questiones. 1643. 

162. Le Meme. Responsio Johannis de Laet ad dissertationem 
secundam Hugonis Grotii de origine gentium Amfiricanarum, 
cum indice ad utruiiique libelliun. 1644. 

163. Grotius. De origine gentium Americanarum dissertatio. 4o. 

164. Le MSme. De origine gentiimi Americanarum dissertatio 
altera adversus obstrectatorem. Paris, Cramoisy. 1643. 

165. Homius. De originibus Am^ricanis, libri quatuor. 8o. La 
Haye. 1652. 
Lafiteau. Moeurs des sauvages Am&iquains. Ouvrage d6jS 
indiqu6 sous le No. 31. 

166. Garcia (Gregorio). Oiigen de los Indios de el NuevoMondee; 
Indias occidentales averiguavos con discourso de opiniones. 
Trantanse en este libro varias cases y puntos curiosos, tocante 
a diversas ciencias y facultades, conque se varia historia de 
mucho gosto para el ingenio y entendimiento de hombres 
agudos y curiosos. Segimda impression emendada &a. In 
fo. Madrid. 1720. 

167. Colden's. History of the five Indian nations of Canada, which 
are the barriers between the English and French, in that part 
of the world. In 8o. London. 1750. 

Digitized by 


Ouvrages Publies sur la Floride et VAncienne Lotiisiane TJ 

168. Eidous, Bailly d'Engel. Essai sur cette question: Quand et 
comment TAm^rique a-telle §t6 peuplee d'hommes et d'ani- 
maux? Amsterdam, 5 vol. in 12o. et 2 vol. in 4o. 1767. 

169; De Paw. Recherches philosophiques sur les Amfericains, ou 
Mtooires interessants pour servir k Thistoire de Tespfece 
himiaine, avec ime disertation sur TAmfetique et les Am^ricains 
par Don Pemety, 3 vol. in 12o. 1771. 

170. Adair's (James). History of the American Indians, particular- 
ly the nations adjoining the Mississippi, East and West Florida, 
Georgia, South and North Carolina and Virginia. In 4o. 
Map. 1775. 

171. Carli (le Comte). Lettres Americaines dans lesquelles on 
examine I'origine, TEtat civile, politique, militaire et religieux, 
les arts, les sciences, les moeurs, les usages des anciens habi- 
tants de TAmfirique; les grandes 6poques de la nature, Tancienne 
communication des deux hfeiisph^res, et la demi^re revolu- 
tion qui a fait disparaitre T Atlantide, pour servir de suite aux 
m^moires de D. Ulloa. 2 vol. in 8q. Boston et Paris. 1788. 
CestLefe de Villebrune qui a traduit ces lettres de Vltalien, apris 
avoir donnS la traduction des mimoires philosophiques de Don 

Ulloa (indiquis sous leNo. ) 

172. Genty (labb6). L'influence de la dfecouverte de TAmferique 
sur le bonheur du genre humain. Paris. Nyon. 8o. Carte 
etfig. 1788. 

173. Barton's (B. Smith). New views of the origin of the Tribes 
and nations of America. Philadelphia. In 18o. 1798. 

174. Williamson's. Observations on the climate, in the different 
parts of America, compared with the climate in corresponding 
parts of the other continents. New York. 8o. 1811. 

175. Heckewelder's. Narrative of the mission of the United Breth- 
ren among the Delaware and Monegan Indians. 1740 to 
1808. 8o. Philadelphia. 1820. 
A its traduit par Duponceau sot4S ce tttre: 

176. ' Moeurs et coutumes des nations indiennes de Ja Perisylvanie. 

Paris. 8o. 1822. 

176. bis. Himter's. Manners and customs of several Indian Tribes. 

8o. Philadelphia. 1823. 

177. Church's (Th.) The history of Philip's war, commonly called 
the great Indian war of 1675 and 1676, also of the French and 
Indian wars in 1689, 90, 92, 96, and 1704, in 12o. Boston. 1827 

178. MacCulloh's. Researches concerning the original history of 
America. Royal 8o. Baltimore. 1829. 

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78 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

179. Tanner's (John). A narrative of the captivity and adventures, 
during thirty years of residence among the Indians of North 
America. New York. Map. 80. 1830. 
A ite traduit enfrangais sous ce litre: 

180. M^moires de J. Tanner, ou trente ann6es dans ies deserts de 
rAm&rique du nord, traduit par de Blos^viUe. Paris. A. 
Bertrand. 2 vol. 80. 1835. 

181. Thatcher's. Indian Biography, or an historical account of 
those individuals who have been distinguished among the 
North American natives as orators, warriors, statesmen, and 
other remarkable characters. 2 vol. in I80. New York. 
Harper. 1832. 

182. Flint's (Timothy). Indian wars of the west, containing 
biographical sketches of those pioneers, who headed the western 
settlers in repelling the attacks of the savages, together with a 
view of the character, manners, monimients and antiquities 
of the Western Indians, in 12o. Cincinnati. 1833. 

183. Dunmore-Lang's. View of the origin, and migrations of the 
Polynesian nation. London. 80. Map. 1834. 

184. Irving's (J.) Indian sketches taken during an expedition to the 
Pawnee and other Tribes of American Indians. 2 vol. in 12o. 
London. 1835. 

185. Washington Irving's. A tour on the prairies. In 12o. Paris. 

186. The Same. Adventures of Captain Bonneville or scenes be- 
yond the Rocky Moxmtains of tlie far West, 80. Paris. 1837. 

187. Antiquitates Americanae sive scritores septentrionales rerun 
ante Coliunbiananmi, in America edidit societa regia anti- 
quariorum septrionalium. Hafinae. In 4o. 1837. 

188. Supplement to the Antiquatates Americanae by C. Rafin. 
Copenhague. 80. 1841. 

189. Delafield's (John). An inquiry into the origin of the anti- 
quities of America with an appendix by J. Lakey. In 80. New 
York. 1839. 

190. Bradford's. American Antiquities and researches into the 
origin and history of the red race. New York. 80. 1841. 

Digitized by 



A Paper Prepared and Read by his Great-Grandson 
James Wilkinson 

In complying with the kind request of this Society, I desire first 
to discuss tiie charges made in Gayarre's History of Louisiana, and 
adopted from that history by many other historians, that Wilkinson 
while a Brigadier General of the United States Army sought to be- 
tray his country by procuring the secession of Kentucky, and ef- 
fecting an alliance between that territory and Spain. 

In the first place Wilkinson during the whole time of this al- 
leged conspiracy with Governor Miro was a private citizen, that is 
from the close of the Revolutionary War xmtil December, 1791, at 
which latter date Washington again appointed him a Lieutenant 
Colonel in the regular army. In the next place, at the time Wilkin- 
son was charged with this attempted betrayal there was properly 
speaking no country ot nation for him to betray; and lastly every 
act of his life proved that he was devoted to the true interests of the 
people of the United States. 

The Third Article of the Confederation, adopted 1777, ex- 
pressly declared it was but "firm league of Mendship" that the 
several States were entering into, and the Second Article of the 
same instrument expressly declared each State retained its own 

The Encyclopedia Brittanica Vol. 23, p. 745 says, that under 
these articles of confederation: 

"The States were separating from one another and from Congress. 
There was no executive. Congress could with difficulty bring enough 
members together to form a quorimi. Scarcely any one outside paid any 
attention to what it did. Least of all was it respected by foreign govern- 

The Encyclopedia Brittanica further says, Vol. 24, p. 260, 

"King James in 1609, gave the London Company a sea front of 400 
miles of frontage throughout from sea to sea, and imder this charter Virginia 
had jurisdiction over her imperial colony territory and under it holds the 
fragment of this colony called Virginia." 

Channing's History of the United States, p. 109, says, 

Virginia's claims on these lands "had been annulled in 1624, after which 
she became a royal province." 

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80 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

This claim of Virginia to the colony of Kentucky was vague 
and shadowy. Under the grant of King James in 1609 of the country 
from ocean to ocean (even if it had not been annulled), that State 
really had as much right to California as it had to Kentucky. 

In Shaler's History of American Commonwealths, (Ky.), that 
author says, 

"The Colonial charters of Virginia gave to that cx)lony a claim on all 
the lands of the Mississippi Valley that lay to the west of the boundaries 
of New York and Pennsylvania, as well as Virginia itself. At that time when 
the grants were made and for generations afterwards, this western domain 
was to Virginia a very intangible property, if indeeed it deserved the name 
a possession." 

Butler in his history of Kentucky, Vol. 2, p. 262, says, that the 
confederation of States was often called "A political barrel of 13 
staves without a hoop." 

Collins in his History of Kentucky says, 

"Repeated efforts were made by General Harry Lee to obtain a conti- 
nental force of 700 or even 600 soldiers to protect the western frontier from 
the savages, but the frantic jealousy of the central power cherished by the 
sovereign states at a time when that central power grovelled in the most 
hopeless imbecility, peremptorily forbade even this small force to be em- 
bodied, lest it would lead to the overthrow of State rights." 

James K. Hosmer, member of the Minnesota Historical Society, 
in his history of the Mississippi Valley, published in 1901, says: 

"The critical period in American History between the peace of 1783 
and the adoption of the Constitution was not less threatening and disorderly 
in the Mississippi Valley than in the east. In 1784, the Wantauga settle- 
ment which had been merged in North Carolina constituted itself the State 
of Franklin. At the head of the faction was Sevier, ever combative, * * ♦ ♦ 
No one can be blamed that in those days loyalty to the feeble union was 
languid, and a strong separatist feeling rife. The iinion being a jelly, what 
protection or credit could it afford to win adherents? In these western 
communities, some favored complete independence; some would have gone 
back with equanimity to England; some again were ready to connect them- 
selves with Spain, which held New Orleans and the world beyond the river. 
The resourceful Clark and the well poised Robertson, even showing Spanish 
sympathies, while Daniel Boone finding the air contaminated by the swelling 
immigration, pushing across into a new wilderness took the oath of alle- 
giance to Spain, and became an officer (the Alcade) of the District of St. 
Charles, a Spanish post on the Missouri." 

The eastern part of Kentucky also set itself up as the province 
of Transylvania, and opposed the authority of Virginia. A State 
convention had been held in 1784 in Kentucky looking to her in- 

In 1784, the year that Wilkinson settled there, the grievances 
of Kentucky were three fold — 

1st. "This infant commonwealth rocked anfid the war whoop and the 
rifle, plundered by Indians and shut up by Spaniards, was still subjected to a 
portion of the domestic debt then existing against Virginia." (Butler p. 

Digitized by 


General James Wilkinson \ 81 

181). The capital of \^ginia, 500 miles distant, could only be reached by 
two mountain trails and across unbridged rivers, all traversible by pack 
horses only; and the main sQurce of the public revenues, arising from the sale 
of Kentucky's public lands, were taken by the parent mother with hardly 
any compensatmg sustenance for her hungry child. 

2nd. The settlers of Kentucky demanded protection against Indian 
atrocities, from Virginia and her sister States in vain. Smith, m his History 
of Kentucky, p. 316, declares that the pioneers of that region lost over 
5,000 men, women and children alone, from Indian attacks; and these 
victims were often made to suffer frightful tortures before death. 

Whether in their fields or at their churches, the rifle was then always 
the inseparable companion of the pioneer. 

3rd. Kentucky, with her 4,000 miles of water ways, barred by granite 
walls of mountains from trade on the east, desired above all else the free 
navigation of the Mississippi River, her ovXy avenue to trade and commerce. 
This, if she was a component part of Virguiia, had been guaranteed to the 
Colonies by the recent British treaty of peace, the British having formerly 
acquired that ceded right by treaty from Spain. This right was wrong- 
fully denied to Kentuckians by the Spaniards, and every ve^ sent by them 
as far as Natchez was seized and with its cargo, confiscated by the Spanish 
buccaneers of the Mississippi. All their complaints as to this had been 
ignored, and no redress was afforded them. 

Fiske's "Critical periods of American History" p. 211 says: 

"By the treaties that closed the Revolutionary war in 1783. the pro- 
vince of East and West Florida were ceded by England to Spain. West 
Fl<»ida bordered the Mississippi River, and the Spaniards claimed that 
it extended up to the Yazoo River. The Americans claimed that it extended 
only to Natchez, but by secret treaty with England and the United States, 
it was agreed if England could continue to keep West Florida, the upper 
boundary should be the Yazoo. When the Spaniards foimd out about the 
secret treaty they were furious and closed the mouth of the river. Congress 
was informed that until this matter was set right no American sloop or barge 
should dare to show itself below Natchez without danger of confiscation. 
These threats produced opposite feelings in the NcMth and South. New 
York and the Eiastem and Northern States cared no more for the Missi^)pi 
River than for Timbuctoo. On the other hand the pioneers of the West 
were not willing to sit still when their pork and com were being ccmfiscated. 
The Spanish envoy, Gardaquo, arrived in Philadelphia in the summer of 
1784. and John Jay, Minister of Foreign Affairs, was directed to negotiate 
a new treaty with him. A year of wrangling passed between the latter and 
the Spanish Minister. At last in despair Jay advised Congress for the sake 
of a Commercial treaty, to allow Spain to dose the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi River below the Yazoo for 25 years. As the rumor of this went abroad 
among the settlements of the Ohio there was an outburst of wrath to which 
an incident that then occurred gave greater virulence. A North Carolina 
native named Amis sailed down the River with pots and pans and flour. 
His boat and cargo were seized at Natchez and he was forced to return 
home on foot alone through the wiTds; Spaniards were attacked at Vincennes; 
Indignation meetings were held in Kentucky; the people thre;atened to send 
a force down the river to capture Natchez and New Orleans and a more 
dangerous threat was made that should the Northern States desert then 
and adopt Jay's suggestion, that they would secede and throw themselves 
on Great Britain for protection. Leaders in the Northern States declared 
that if Jay's suggestion was not adopted that it would be high time for the 
Northern States to secede from the Union and form a federation by them- 
selves. The situation was dangerous in the extreme. Sooner than see their 
colonies go, the Southern States would have themselves seceded and broken 
broken away from the Northern States. But New Jersey and Pennsylvania 
came over with Rhode Island to the Southern side and Jay's proposal 
was defeated/' 

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82 The Louisiana Hisiorical Quarterly 

During the early part of this excfteoieiit in 1784 the Kentucky 
settlements held a conventi(m, and this convention passed a resolu- 
ti<m requesting the admission of Kentudcy into the Union as an 
independent and sovereign State. 

The NcMTthem States were always bitterly opposed to admitting 
Kentucky because it would increase to their disadvantage the 
political strength of the South and West. 

Virgmia,— who claimed jurisdiction over these settlements, 
was opposed to letting Kentucky go, and even then preparations 
were being made to establish a water connection between the head 
waters of the Potomac and Ohio, and the free navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi and the independence of Kentucky meant a loss of much 
prospective trade to the Eastern States. 

Fiske's "Critical Periods of American History," p. 214 says: 

"Washington himself ardently desired the traffic of the Western States 
brought eastward. In 1785 he bcKrame President of a Company for extend- 
ing the navigation of the Potomac and James Rivers establbhed by l^is- 
lative act of Virginia, and the scheme was to connect the head waters of the 
Potomac with those of the Ohio." , 

From a convention between Maryland and Virginia to advance 
this tirork, grew out other conventions and subsequently the great 
convention that formed .the Constitution of the United States. 

In Washington's farewell address (September 17th, 1796) he 

"The east, in a like intercourse with the West already finds, and in the 
progressive improvements of interior communications by land and water, 
will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings 
from abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East 
supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still 
greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of in- 
dispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence and the 
future maritime strength to the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an 
indissoluble community of interests as one Nation. Any other tenure by 
which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its 
own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with 
any foreign power must be intrinsically precarious." 

Walker's "Making of the Nation," p. Ill, says: 

"The settlers had a passionate desire to secure the free navigation 
of the Mississippi. To this end the hardy pioneers were almost ready to 
sacrifice their allegiance to the Union.* ♦♦♦*♦**♦*" 

"On the other hand it must be admitted that the first administration 
especially Washington and Judge Jay showed a singular obtxiseness with 
dealing with the demands of the West on that point. Washington having 
penetrated as a surveyor beyond the mountains ♦♦*♦*♦♦♦** had 
become deeply interested in projects for opening up trade between the West 
and the eeaooaid as to be almost infatuated with the idea. Jay on his part 
held that the benefits which would result to the whole country firwn favor- 
able commercial treaties with Spain would be so great as to justify asking 
the Western people to submit for twenty-five vears longer to restrictions on 
the navigation of the Mississippi." 

Digitized by 


General James Wilkinson 83 

Having shown the conditions in the section whare Wilkinscm 
was to become a leader, I will now refer to his early life. 

WiUdnscm was bom in Calvert County, Maryland, in 1757. He 
was forced to begin his life's work early as his father died when he 
was six years old. He was a student of medicine when the revolu- 
tionary war began. In 1775 he joined the revolutionary army as a 
private. On March 1776 he was promoted to a captaincy by General 
George Washington. On July 17th, 1776, he was promoted to be 
brigade Major. On May 24th, 1777, he was made Adjutant General 
by Major-General Gates, and was one of the representatives of Gen- 
eral Gates, that arranged the surrender of Burgoyne. 

In the report of this surrender by General Gates which Wil- 
kinson bore to John Hancock, President of the Continental Con- 
gress, dated October 18th, 1777, the former said: 

"This letter will be presented to your excellency by my Adju- 
tant General, Col. Wilkinson, to whom I beg leave to refer you for 
the particulars that brought this great business to so fortunate and 
happy a conclusion. I desire to be permitted to recommend this 
gallant officer, in the warmest manner to Congress, and entreat 
that he may be continued in his present office with the brevet of 
Brigadier General. The Honorable Congress will believe me when I 
assure them that from the beginning of this contest, I have not met 
with a more promising, military genius than Colonel Wilkinson, and 
whose services have been of the last importance to this army. 

I have the honor to be your excellency'^s obedient servant, 
Hcaratio Gates." 

On November 6th, 1777, Congress honored Wilkinson with the 
brevet of Brigadier General. 

We have thus presented the remarkable showing that an orphan 
boy, without fortune or friends, entering the revolutionary war 
as a private, at 18 years of age, had already taken a leading part in 
that war, and in two short years had won his way by several succes- 
sive promotions to the brevet rank of Brigadier General. 

Subsequently Wilkinson owing to ill health and an unfortimate 
misunderstandmg with his superior officers in regard to what was 
known as the Conway Cabal, which had for its object the elevation 
of Gates over Washington as Commander-in-Chief, resigned his 

Wilkinson denied that he ever had anything to do with the 
Conway matter, and it is hardly probable that he, then only 20 
years old, and friendly with both generals, would have taken part 
in any such scheme. Subsequently Wilkinson was appointed to the 

Digitized by 


84 The Louisiana Historical Qtmrterly 

responsible position of Clothier General of the Army and served 
as such to the close of the revolutionary war. 

After the close of the revolutionary war, Wilkinson moved, 
in 1784, with his family to Kentucky, and (^)ened a mercantile 
business in Lexington. His means were limited, as the continental 
money in which soldiers of the revolution had been paid was wortii 
about as much as confederate money was during the late Civil War, 
and histcMians of that early time say it took about twenty dollars 
of it to buy a single meal. 

When Wilkinson arrived, the settlement of Kentucky was in a 
turmoil. There had already been one convention held in 1784 to 
obtain Kentucky's independence and admission as a State. 

Wilkinson was elected as a delegate to the 2nd Kentucky Con- 
vention held in 1785. He took a leading part in that convention 
and wrote its memorial for Kentucky's independence. 

Smith in his History of Kentucky, p. 251, writes: 

''In this address is realized the florid writer and eloquent orator 
General James Wilkinson. This gentleman had removed with his family 
from Philadelphia to Lexington in the fall of the preceeding year, and was 
now for the first time elected a member of this convention." 

Smith adds, as to the address to the people: 

'This address and these resolutions are from the same pen. It will 
hardly escape remark that the prayer for the separation is for an acknowl- 
edgment of Sovereignty and Independence." 

Butler, in his History of Kentucky, says, (p. 148, 149). 

''This resolution and its eloquent preamble were followed by an address 
to the legislature of Virginia and the people of the District in a style of dig- 
nity and ornament as yet unprecedented in the public proceedings of 
Kentucky. They were certainly the production of General Wilkinson, 
at the time in qu^tion a member of the^convention. This gentleman whose 
emigration in the District has been noticed, now began to act a leading 
part of the History of Kentucky; indicative of the distinguished figure 
which his impressive powers as a fine writer, his military service and dis- 
tinguished abilities enabled him to exhibit in the affairs of a Nation. It 
will be perceived that there is in these papers an elevation of political ideas 
richly dressed in appropriate composition; nor should any political imputa- 
tion rest on them as has been insinuated because this assembly petitioned 
for 'Sovereignty and Independence.' Sovereignty was much more con- 
sistently the attribute of tlie members of the dd confederation than those 
of the present constitution union." 

In September, 1786, a fifth Kentucky convention was held 
whose object was again either to secure the indepedence of Kentucky 
or obtain her admission into the confederation as a sovereign State. 
This convention, of which Wilkinson was also a member, adjourned 
from day to day until January, 1787. 

On June 28th, 1785, Mr; John Jay, Secretary of State for foreign 

Digitized by 


General James Wilkinson 85 

affairs was authorized, as I have shown, to negotiate a new treaty 
with Don Gardaquo, Minister to Spain, then located at Philadelphia, 
but Congress expressly prohibited any relinquishment thereby of 
the right to a free navigation of the lower Mississippi river. In spite 
of this prohibition, Mr. Jay, in an endeavor to procure traffic advan- 
tages with Spain for the Atlantic States, recommended to Qmgress 
a treaty containing a stipulation that the United States should 
recognize the Spanish right to the exclusive navigation of the Mis* 
sissippi River for 25 or 30 years. 

In the 6th Kentucky Convention that met at Danville, October, 
1788, Wilkinson, again a member, delivered a fiery address which in 
part stated: 

*That it was with general abhorrence that the people received the in- 
telligence that Congress was about to cede to Spain the exclusive right of 
navigating the Mississippi River for 25 years; that the western people were 
being driven to the alternative of separating themselves from the union on 
that account considering this navigation indisp^isable to their future 
growth and prosperity; that Spain should be so blind to her true interest 
as to refuse the use of the river to the western people and thereby compel 
a resort to military means. Great Britain stood ready with a sufficient 
force of armed allies to cooperate with them in enforcing this national 
Wilkinson also read to the convention an address he had made the 
Spanish authorities on his visit to New Orleans the previous year. 

Smith's History of Kentucky, p. 287, says: 

"After reading this the author received a vote of thanks from the 
convention without a dissenting vote." 

Smith says, (p. 301) : 

'Thus, from the first meeting in 1784 to consider the necessity of form- 
ing an independent State government for their own protection and msui- 
agement of home affairs, until the admission into the union eight years 
later, the people of Kentucky were subjected to the torturing and irritat- 
ing necessity of appointing or electing delegates for assemWages in ten 
successive conventions, were embarrassed by sectional jealousies of the 
North Eastern States, for a natural affiliation with the Union, and hampered 
and delayed by restrictive legislation with Virginia." 

It will therefore be seen that Wilkinson, embittered no doubt 
by the massacres of so many of his people by the Indians, without 
any attempt to extend them protection; by the imwelcome, and im* 
OHnpromising attitude of the Northern States to the admission of 
Kentucky as a State; by the fact that John Jay was attempting to 
sell even then the natural birthright of the Western coimtry for a 
mess of pottage for the benefit of the Atlantic States, which States 
were openly threatening to secede from the confederation if Jay was 
not allowed to do so, was not only openly suggesting before this 
conveption a possible agreement with Spain; but he went further 

Digitized by 


86 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

and was openly and boldly advocating the independence of Kentucky 
and a possible alliance with England, and that convention unant- 
mously approved his address. 

The late venerable Claiborne of Mississippi, nephew of the 
first Governor of Louisiana, in his History of the men of Wilkinson's 
time, agreed with Butler that Wilkinson was openly advocating an 
alliance with Spain to force an admission into the union of Kentucky 
as a State. 

And Smith, Kentucky's later Historian, p. 292-3, says: 

"No party intended *♦**♦♦*♦*♦* anything more than 
commercial relations granting to Kentucky the right of navigation and 
exclusive trade. With consimunate skill, the party under the lead of Wil- 
kinson played the game of diplomatic strategy to tantalize the eager rapacity 
of Spain, while they menaoed Congress to action by pointing to the open 
anns and seductive blandishments with which Spain stood ready to welcome 
Kentucky to her alliance." 

Under the 9th article of the confederation no colony or part 
thereof could be admitted as a State without the consent of nine of 
the thirteen States. So, as the Northern States were opposed to the 
admission of Kentucky, her case seemed hopeless. 

That some powerful lever was necessary to obtain the admission 
of Kentucky into the Union is evidenced by the fact, that Vermont, 
whose soldiers, imder Ethan Allen, fought bravely for the indepen- 
dence of the colonies, was herself forced to apply to Congress for 
admisdon for 15 years, before becoming a State, and was then, in 
1788, like Kentudcy, still an applicant for admission; and while it 
took nine State conventions in Kentucky held from 1784 to 1790 
to plead, implore and threaten her way into the Union in 1792, it 
toe* nearly double that time for Vermont to achieve admission. 

Not a single new State was admitted during the existence of the 
Confederation frcMn 1777 to 1789. 

In this connection, although by the 3rd article of the French 
treaty of the cession of Louisiana from Napoleon, it was provided, 
that Louisiana should be promptly admitted as a State in the Union; 
the jealousy of the Northern States prevented this for eight years, 
it being contended by the Northern States, that the highly civilized 
French and Spanish residents were not capable of self government; 
and when the bill was presented for Louisiana's admission, that 
admission was only obtained after the most bitter protests from cer- 
tain northern States, Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts declaring in 

"That if Louisiana was admitted the Union of States was thereby 
dissolved, and that it would be then the duty of those States to prepare 
for a separation, amicably if they can, forcibly if they must." 

Digitized by 


General James Wilkinson 87 

The chair thereupon sustained a point of order made by Mr. 
Pointdexter, of Mississippi, that language involving a dissolution 
of the Union could not be permitted on the floor of the House; but on 
appeal, this ruling of the chair was reversed, and thus encouraged 
the speaker went on with furious invective against the danga^ of 
admitting Louisiana, or any State from her teniory, as subversive 
of the Union. 

Again as late as 1814, the delegations from Northern States, 
to the Hartford Convention adopted there resolutions that meant 
the secession of those States, which secession was only prevented by 
peace being declared between England and this coimtry. 

Strange it is that it should be deemed treasonable for Wilkinson 
to have advocated the secession of Kentxicky, an outlyii^ territory, 
from a confederation of States that had refused to receive her as a 
sister State, and all this before a imion of States had ever been formed, 
while it should be held no sin to preach secession by f(»rce by leaders 
of the principal States of the union on the floor by Congress itself, 
23 years after the Union had been formed, and the former confedera- 
tion had ceased to exist, and later again during a war which menaced 
the very existence of this country. 

Apart from and beyond a diminuticm of political power there 
may have loomed up before these leaders of the North a prophetic 
vision of the time when New Orleans, the Queen City 6t the South, 
would be the successful rival of every Sea Board City in the Union, 
save New York, for foreign trade, as they no doubt realized the self- 
evident truth that every potmd of import or export freight that as- 
cended or descended the Mississippi River, either to, or from the 
west, was that much less trade for the Nor£h and East. 

But taking up these charges against Wilkinson and analyzing 
them logically, and I may add comparatively, with later events in 
American History, they do not on the admitted facts justify the 
severe criticisms levelled against Wilkinson the private citizen, 
when he led the threatened secessicm of Kentucky between 1785 
and 1790. 

There is no character that is more revered and admired in modern 
American pistory than that of General Robert E. Lee. He was not 
a private citizen, but an officer in the army of the United States 
when eleven States of the Union began one by one to secede from a 
Union of States, whose naticMial government had existed for seventy 

General Lee and the men of the South affirmed the right of the 

Digitized by 


88 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

States to secede from the Union, and the former resigned his com- 
mission and cast his lot with his native State of Virginia. 

If Lee and the entire people of the South, including some of 
Wilkinson's descendants, who sealed their convictions with their 
blood, believed their States had the right to secede, after the union 
had existed under a stable national government for seventy years, 
to secede too, the North claims, largely on the question of negro 
slavery; if they could justify and defend the firing on the union flag 
at Fort Sumter, if they could justify and participate in a war that 
cost blood and tears and treasures and suflfering untold, during 
which war they appealed both to England and France for aid and 
support, her most famous admiral, Semmes, just previously an officer 
of the United States Navy, securing a wardiip from England with 
which he almost swept the commerce of the United States from the 
seas, without taking the life of a single non-combatant; if they could 
do all this, then Wilkinson, a private citizen, one of the pioneers in 
1784 in a western wild, before a union of States had ever been formed 
when the right of a sovereign State to secede was not denied and 
could not be denied; where the settlements he lived in was not even a 
State, or justly a part of any State; where the territory he lived in 
had itself been thrice denied admissioh in the federation of States, 
surely then he could not be justly condenmed because, with thous- 
ands of others, he advocated the adoption of a policy which seemed 
to him and those other pioneers of Kentucky, vital to the preserva- 
tion of both their property and their lives. 

Butler, p. 173, says: 

'To try the conduct of Kentucky statesmen in 1788 under a confeder- 
ation in rums and in factions, by the same principles which should now 
direct the mind undef an efficient and benencent government, would be 
ab^rd and imjust." 

Shaler's History of American Commonwealths (Kentucky), says: 

"There is a remarkable likeness between the incidents of separatists 
struggle of 1784-1790 and those of the secession movement of 1860-1, ♦ * * 
♦♦♦♦*♦* In the former, however, the proposition was for a separa- 
tion from a government that hardly existed and against which many valid 
objections could be urged, such a separation would have violated no pledges 

Parton's Life of Burr, Vol. 2, p. 32, says: 

"The reader must be reminded that during the administration of John 
Adams, the Union, to backwoodsmen, had not the sacred charm it has 
since possessed. The noise of party contention filled the land. The Union 
as Wilkinson himself said, seemed to hang together by a thread, which any 
jnoment might break. Wilkinson may have thought of hastening the cat- 
astrophe, of fcwming a western republic, of becoming its Washington, with- 
out being in any sense of the wora, a traitor." 

Digitized by 


Gmeral James Wilkinson 89 

Smith in his History, p. 291, says: 

"In making up the verdict of judgment we must consider that the 
chaotic and imbecile government of the Union of 1788 was a very doubtful 
' and precarious hope of the future compared to the Union of today, and the 
proposed independent separation from Virginia was just what Virginia 
and the other States had done a few years before with Great Britain with 
less cogent reaspns." 

'The alleged cause of the American Revolution, (Taxation 
without representation), consisted in a levy in April, 1770, of a six 
cents a poimd import duty on tea. The mother coimtry then paid 
an inland tax of 24 cents a pound on the same article, and the prefer- 
ence shown the colonies in this matter was resented as an attempt 
to bribe them to support this form of a tax."(Channing's History of 
the U. S., p. 65.) The proceeds of this tax only amoimted to about 
three hundred dollars a year, and England had probably spent a 
thousand times as much as this on the armies she had sent over a 
few years before to protect the colonies from the French and the 

The United States later adopted in her own territories practi- 
cally the same system that she had waged war about with the mother 

Section 1862 of the U. S. Revised Statuteis, still in force,, limited 
each territory to one delegate in the House of Representatives, 
and gave no territorial representation in the United States Senate. 
The delegate in the lower body* was expressly denied the right to 
vote on any question. Represented in the Lower House by a politi- 
cal eimuch, and with no representation at all in the Senate, the ter- 
ritories, that so long comprised three quarters of the entire area of 
this coimtry, paid millions of dollars of both Internal Revenue and 
Import taxes to the Federal Government without representation in 
the levy of such taxes and had the same right to secede on this ac- 
count as the colonies originally had. 

Adams, History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 143, says: 

"Even after the adoption of the new constitution. Union was a ques- 
tion of expediency, not of obligation. This was the conviction of the true 
Virginia School and of Jefferson's opponents as well as his supporters." 

We must moreover judge the conduct of Wilkinson at that time 
by what a great many others were then doing in the United States. 
Hart's "Formation of the Union", p. 112-117, says: 

'The revolutionary war had left behind it an eddy of lawlessness and 
disregard of human life. The support of the government was a heavy load 
on the people. The States were physically weak and the State legislatures 
habitually timid. In several States there were organized attempts to set 
off outlymg portions as independent governments. Vermont had set the 

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90 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

example by withdrawing from New York, in 1777, and thoughout the confed- 
eration remained without representation, either in the New York legisla- 
ture or in Congress. In 1782 the western coimtries of Pennsylvania and 
Virginia threatened to break of! and form a new State. From 1785 to 1786, 
the so called State of Franklin formed out of the territory of what is now 
Eastern Tennessee, had a constitution, legislature and Governor and carried 
on a mild border warfare with the government of North Carolina, to which 
its people owed allegiance. The people of Kentucky and of Maine held 
conventions looking towards separation. The year 1786 was marked by 
great uneasiness in what had been supposed to be the steadiest States in the 
Union. In New Hampshire there was a threatened insurrection against the 
legislatiire. In Massachusetts in the fall of 1786, concerted violence threat- 
ened the courts from sitting. •♦***♦♦*♦♦* As a speaker in the 
Massachusetts Convention m 1788, said, 'People took arms, and then if 
you went to speak to them you had a musket of death presented to your 
breast. They would rob you of your property, threaten to Dum your houses; 
obliged you to be on your guard night and day. ♦♦**♦♦♦♦♦* How 
terrible how distressing this was *♦**♦♦*♦♦♦ had any one who 
was able to protect us come and set up his standard, we should have ail 
flocked to it even should it have been a monarch. The arsenal at Spring- 
fiekl was attacked; the State forces were sent in the open Md by armed 
insurgents; had they been successful the Union was not worth one of its 
own repudiated notes. ♦♦♦♦*♦♦*♦♦ The year 1786, marks a crisis 
in the development of the Union. The inefficiency of Congress, was re- 
flected in the neglect of the Constitutional duties of the States; Rliode Isl- 
and recalled her delegates and refu5«d to appoint new members; New Jersey 
felt 90 much injured by a New York tariff that an act was passed taxing 
the light house established by New York on Sandy Hook; Massachusetts, 
Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Georgia had ah-eady raised troops on 
their own account and for their own purposes in violation of the articles of 
confederation. Davie, of North Carolina, a little later declared, that the 
'encroachments of some States on the rights of others are incontestible 
proofs of the weakness of the confederation.' ' Of the requisitions of that 
time for two million dollars, in q)ecie, only about four hundred thousand 
dollars was paid. Some States offered their own depreciated notes, and 
New Jersey refused to contribute at all tmtil the offensive New Yock 
acts were withdrawn. In May, 1786, Chas. Pinckncy on the floor of Con- 
gress, declared. That Congress must be invested with more power or that 
federal government must falL' " 

Channing's recent History of the United States, p. 121, repeats 
most of this and adds: 

"Another instance of the same interstate rivalry was to be seen in the 
relations of Massachusetts and Connecticut. To pcotect her shipping and 
manufacturing interests Massachusetts passed a severe navigation act 
designed to keep the English goods and traders out of that State. Con- 
necticut thereupon repealed every trade law on her statute book, thereby 
inviting f(»reign trade to her harbors and owing to the facilities for overiand 
smugglmg, completely frustrated the policy of Massachusetts." 

Rhode Island levied both an export and import duty on ^gs 
going into and ccHning from New York and caught the hen fruit 
industry both ways. 

Where the confederated States, that during their entire exis- 
tance never adtnttted another State, were themselves engaged in a 
prohibitive trade war inter-sese, I ask, what hope was there for the 
settlements of Kentucky, that those States would, or coukl, evex 

Digitized by 


General James Wilkinson 91 

enforce against so strCHig a power, as ^>ain then was, a freedom of 
trade which they did not, and could not, enforce among themselves? 
Channing says, (p. 121): 

"The real cause of the downfall of the confederation and the estab- 
lishment of a more perfect union, was **********tobe found in 
the conviction, which gained ground rapidly in 1786-87, that the several 
States could not long continue on the existing basis without civil war." 

•The confederation was to quote the general consensus of opinion, 
an unhappy experiment of an impossible form of government. 

Gauging Wilkinson's views, not by the present strong and 
stable tmion. but by a disintegrating confederacy, tottering to its 
own fall; not by the magnificent domain of the west as it exists to- 
day, but by what public men of his own times thought of it, as a 
desert and forest wild, it would not seem that anyone then deemed 
the secession of the scattered settlements of Kentucky, barely able 
to hold their own against the Indians, or the non-acquisition of that 
western wild, would have mattered much to the majority of the 
States then engaged in internecine strife and carrying on a ccxnmerdal 
wsu: amcmg themselves. The laikls of the Atlantic States too were 
still sparsely settled, and neither Washington, Adams, nor even Jef- 
ferscm prior to 1800, looked with favor on Western emigration. 

Even at a later date in his letter to Breckenridge, August 12,. 
1803, Preddent Jefferson wrote, 

"Whether we remain one confederacy or form into Atlantic and Mis- 
sissippi Confederations, is not important to the happiness of either 
pert d the country." 

And of this Adams, in his History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 72, 
said, "Even over his liberal mind history cast a spell so strong that he thought 
the solitary experience of a political confederacy not very important be- 
yond the Alleghanies." 

Hosmer's History of the Louisiana Purchase, p. 64, says: 

"Madison is on record as believing that emigration west of the Mis- 
dssippi River would be detrimental; that settlers should remain on the 
Eastern side and not 'dilute population' by spreading too widely. To 
occupy that unknown desert, «8uch as it was believed to be in great part, 
would most imwisely 'slacken concentratkm' and be a certain promoter of 
disunion sentiments. It was a necessity that the West Bank should 
be under a separate government. These views of his secretary the President 
probably shared." 

When Monroe and Livingston were sent to negotiate for the 
purchase of Louisiana they were only authorized to buy New Orleans, 
west Florida and the lands adjacent thereto, and they were instructed 
not to buy the west bank of the river, and were authorized to guar- 
antee a joint use of the Mississippi River to the nation owning the 
west bank country above New Orleans. Livingston in his arguments 

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92 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

to Napoleon and his minister repeatedly said, that he attached no 
great importance to anything but the New Orleans section of Louis- 
iana and it was Napoleon alone that insisted practically, that the 
tail of the ox must go with the hide, that the conunissioners must take 
all of Loiiisiana, or none. The conunissioners were authorized to 
promise $10,000,000, for the limited area they were to buy. They 
increased this limit by five million dollars for all of Louisiana, and 
the addition of this land and increase of price were not welcomed 
either by President Jefferson or by his secretary, James Madison. 

So imwelcome in fact was it, that far from thanking the com- 
missioners for their splendid service, Howard, on the "Louisiana 
Purchase," p. 121, says: 

"Madison wrote a personal letter to James Monroe finding fault with 
Livingston for this action." 

In the spring of 1787 while the feeling Ipietween Kentucky and 
the Spanish authorities was at its hottest, Wilkinson loaded a flat 
boat with tobacco, hams, butter and flour and started fearlessly on a 
1400 mile floating test voyage to New Orleans. Early historians say 
that trips of that kind were usually made by three flat boats lashed 
abreast, the center one being used by the cr^w and the others as a 
fortification against Indian attacks, ajtid . that firequently white 
captives were placed on the banks to entreat succor, as a lure, which 
several times resulted in the captwe or massacre of an entire crew 
by the Indians. Wilkinson risked the Indian peril in a single flatboat 
A f mther peril was successfully overcome by Wilkinson at the Spanish 
Post at Natchez, but on his arrival at New Orl^ms his cargo was 

In Daniel Clark's memoir to Hon. Timothy Pickering, Secre- 
tary of State, dated April 18th, 1798, the former, strange to say, 
gives a truthful account of how Wilkinson overawed the Danish 
officer at Natchez into allowing him to pass, and how, when his cargo 
was seized at New Orleans, Wilkinson threatened the vengeance of 
Kentuckians for the outrage. 

Clark said to Rckering: 

"Governor Miro, a weak man, unacquainted with American Govern- 
ment, ignorant even of the position of Kentucky, with respect to his own 
province, but alarmed at the very idea of an irruption of Kentucky men 
whom he feared without knowing their strength, communicated his wishes 
to the intendant that the guard might be removed from Wilkinson's boat 
which was accordingly done *♦*******♦ In his interview with 
the governor, Wilkinson, that he might not seem to derogate from 
the character given of him, by appearing cpncemed in so trifling a business 
as a boat load of tobacco, hams and butter, gave the governor to under- 
stand that the property belonged to many citizens of Kentucky, who avail- 

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General James Wilkinson 93 

in? themsclyes of his return. to the Atlantic States by way of New Orleans, 
wished to make a trial of tne temppr of this government as he, on his arrival, 
might inform his own govertmient that steps had been pursued, under 
his eye, . that adequate measures should be afterwards taken to procure 
satisfaction. ♦♦**♦♦*♦♦♦ Convinced by this discourse that the 
General rather wished for an 6pportunity of embroiling affairs, than he 
sought to avoid it, the governor became more alarmed ♦*****♦*♦♦ 
and he resolved to hold out as a bait to Wilkinson the permission to trade 
at New Orleans if he would use his influence with Kentuckians to prevent an 
invasion of Louisiana." 

The Honorable Oliver Pollock, American Agent at New Orleans, 
during the revolutionary war, who was a great favorite of the Spanish 
governors of Louisiana, testified under oath at Wilkinson's tri^: 

"I was deeply interested in the information that General Wilkinson had 
obtained permission to bring down tobacco, wisbino: to have the exclusive 
privilege myself, and I immediately went to Governor Miro, to ask the cause 
of tobacco coming down the river in large quantities, as I was in- 
formed, whereupon he told me that he had consented for General Wilkinson 
to bring down tobacco in hopes to pacify the Kentuckians and people 
of the western country, to prevent a rupture between Spain and America, 
and in order to give time for negotiations between the two powers 
relative to the navigation of the Mississippi." 

Upon its face every one of Wilkinson's statements to Miro were 
true. His adherents in Kentucky were ready and anxious for the 
firay and his statement in the Kentucky convention later in October, 
1788, was that if Spain denied Kentucky's rights that he was pre- 
pared to lead them against the Spaniards at New Orleans and even 
invoke England's aid, just as President Jefferson wrote in 1803 to 
Livingston that if France attempted to take possession of New 
Orleans imder her pxirchase from Spain, this country would become 
"married to the army and navy of England." 

Wilkinson won out with Miro, to use a slang phrase, pxirely 
on his nerve. It is doubtful whether Miro gave Wilkinson a privi- 
lege to trade at New Oi leans, but if he did, this privilege in Wilkin- 
son's name was also used for the property of other Kentuckians. 
Otherwise Wilkinson could not have retained his pc^ularity. 

Wilkinson constituted Clark and Rees his selling agents, returned 
from New Orleans to Kentucky, via sea and the Atlantic States, and 
took a leading part in the proceeciings of the Danville Convention 
in October, 1788. 

Gayarre and all the historians who have sought to cast obloquy 
on the ashes of General Wilkinson, have sought to show that during 
the Miro administration, which ended in 1791, General Wilkinson 
was, both by a trade monopoly and a money pension, bribed as a 
mercenary of Spain. The alleged copies of Willrinson's letters which 
Governors Gayoso, Miro or Carondelet may have forwarded to Spain 
to enhance and magnify the impcMtance of what they were doing 

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9i The Louisiana Historical Quarierly 

for the mother country, while they contained much that was true, 
like a lie that is half the truth, give color to Gayarre's charges. 
Gayarre's secret bitterness against Wilkinson arose no doubt from a 
belief that the latter had tricked and deceived the Spaniards, Gayarre's 
grandfather having been one of the intendants of Spain. 

It is true that Laussat rq)orted to his government, that WH- 
kmson had tricked and deceived the Spaniards, but Wilkinson did 
not trick and deceive them half so much as Laussat's chief, the iSrst 
Consul, did, when the latter bought Louisiana in 1800 from Spain, 
under a solemn promise not to sell it to any other power, and pro- 
ceeded promptly to sell it to the United States. Wilkinson did not 
equal even his own government in duplicity, when by the treaty of 
1783, England and the United States accorded East and West Florida 
to Spain, and then by a simultaneous secret treaty this country 
urged England to hold on to West Florida and deprive Spain of it. 

Whatever visions of a prospective alliance with Kentucky, 
Wilkinson did hold out to the Spaniards, I have yet to see any al- 
leged letter written by Wilkinson that proved that he ever actually 
got a, dollar from the government of Spain save in commercial trans- 
actions. That he received nothing on his first visit to New Orleans 
Miro admits in his letter of June 15th, 1788, quoted in SrdGayarre, 
p. 212. 

Wilkinson sent Mr: Isaac Dtinn down with his tobacco boats in 
1788 and did not go to New Orleans himself again till 1789. 

In this letter Miro wrote: 

*Troin the beginning, he, Wilkinson had informed me he was not 
possessed of any pecuniary means. Here an individual on the recommen- 
dation of the intendant Navarro had loaned him $3,000.00. He now begs 
me not to seize his cargo, as he has pledged the products of its sale to re- 
fimd that sum, and to pay his crew, and the amcunt due on the tobacco 
which he has bought on credit, and as the balance is to enable him to stipport 
himself without embanassment, which will tend to increase and preserve 
his influence in his State." (3 Gayarre 212.) 

Miro adds: 

"Although his candor and the information I have sou^t from ofiany 
who have known him well, seem to assiire us he is working in good earnest, 
yet I am aware that it may be possible that his intention is to enrich himself 
at our expenses with promises and hopes he knows to be vain." (3 Gayarre 

We find here, according to Miro, Wilkinson asking, by his 
agent Isaac Dimn in 1788, that his cargo be not seized as it is all he 
has to pay money borrowed by him on his previous visit and his crew 
and to use for his personal expenses. 

If there had been any trade agreement between Wilkinson and 

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Gtmral Jame$ Wilkinsan 95 

MJro in 1787 why should the former beg Miro not to seize his cargo 
in 1788. 

Compare Wilkinson's honesty with his subsequent treatment 
by the ^niards. 

The King of Spain had a monopoly of the tobacco trade. The 
records shows that Governor Miro had an interest in Wilkinson's 
cargoes and was always itfging the King to buy tobacco in New Or- 
leans. In 1790 Wilkinson woridng on a scanty capital afta: his 
coolness with Miro, shipped 135 hogsheads to his agent Hiillip Nolan 
at New Orleans. On a pretense that they were damaged, the King's 
in^^ector, Arrieta, kept and refused payment for these hogsheads 
of tobacco. This tobacco was however, passed, the following year, 
by another inspector, Brion, and the proceeds of same, $17,874, 
were only partially paid for duting the ensuing five succeeding years, 
which left Wilkinson, in 1791, without any working capital. 

After this when General Harmar's forces were cut to pieces by 
the Indians, Wilkinson volunteered early in 1791 as second in com- 
mand of the Kentucky Ranga:^ tmder General Scott and was ap- 
pointed December 1791, by General Washington, a colonel in the 
regular army. Wilkinson's Memoits, vol. 2, declare, pp. 114 and 227, 
that he was not trained for trade and that his commercial ventures 
had been failures, and that after he again driw his sword, in 1791, 
he had taken leave of trade forever. 

Honorable Oliver Pollock also testified at Wilkinson's trial, 
that as he was delivering his own tobacco at New Orleans in 1790, 
the inspector told him that Wilkinson's tobacco Was condemned 
and lodged in the King's store. 

In Robertson's recent "History of Louisiana imder Spain," is 
reported an alleged letter from Gayoso, then Spanish Governor at 
Natchez, dated July 5th, 1792, in which he says: 

"Wilkinson was recommended by Don Estevan Miro for a pension and 
other help, the resolution was delayed so long because of the distance that 
separated us from that court that in the meanwhUe he lost his credit in 
Kentucky for lack of means to maintain it. However, his majesty's ap- 
proval of the pension that bad been proposed to him having arrived at the 
beginning of this year (1792) it was communicated to Wilkinson by mes- 
senger. His answer just arrived a few days ago, but I am ignorant of its 
contents, as I sent it imder seal to Baron de Carondelet, the Governor of 
the province." 

No copy of the alleged reply of Wilkinson to Governor Caron- 
delet has ever been produced. If favorable to this pension why was 
a copy thereof not forwarded to the Spanish archives? On his trial 
before the courtmartial Wilkinson produced a carefully detailed 
statement from the Spaniish Treasurer, Gilberto Leonard, of his last 

Digitized by 


96 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

transactions with the Spanish authorities. The payments to him on 
this statement were for the loss of the "SpeedweU," a boat and cargo 
sent up the river for Miro's account, and later Wlas for the tobacco 
and began on June 2nd, 1790, more than two years before the date of 
the alleged pension approval, and up to January 4th, 1796 totaled 
$27,900, or over treble the amoimt of the alleged pendon from the 
time of its allowance. Wilkinscm supported by ample evidence 
the facts; that these different payments were made for condemned 
tobacco and for this vessel and cargo, formerly lost for Miro's account; 
he showed, as all historians agree, that the lower Ohio was at the time 
infested with white bandits and thieving Indians and that his pre- 
vious agent, Owens, had been robbed and murdered while bringing 
him $6,000.00; he showed the safety of this money had been insured, 
and how a subquent messenger, Jose Collins, has spent most of the 
insurance money, before he delivered the small balance to him, and 
this by the sworn testimony of Collins himself. Collins further 
testifiad that the money formerly sent by Owens was due to Wilkin- 
son for tobacco, and it is clear that men do not insure the delivery 
of bribes. The $9,640 Wilkinson's agent Nolan, had sent by Thomas 
Powers from New Madrid to be delivered to Nolan at Louisiville in 
1796, was in silver specie, which was packed at New Madrid in sugar 
barrels so as to save both it, and the bearer frx)m the previous fate of 
Owens, and to this evidence Wilkinson added the testimony of 
Gilberto Leonard, the Spanish Treasurer, then residing at Baton 
Rouge, the only remaining Spanish official in Louisiana, that all 
moneys paid Wilkinson by the Spanish authorities were on account 
of his conunerdal transactions, and there was still up to the period 
Wilkinson re-entered the service of the United States, "a very oki- 
siderable balance in favor of the General." 

Much larger sums than that due Wilkinson were later defaulted 
on by the crown of Spain. The former Intendant Morales, gave as 
an excuse for remaining in New Orleans for over two years after its 
cession to the United States, that he was expecting four hundred 
thousand dollars from Spain to pay debts due parties in New Orleans. 
(4th Gayarre 130). 

In Martm's History of Louisiana, pp. 306 and 307, the Spanish 

official receipts and expenditures of 1802 are given. The statement 

attested by Gilberto Leonard, Treasurer, Manuel Almirez, Secretary, 


•The Royal Chests owe, $255,518 to the fund of deposits, $48,372 and 31 
cents to that of tobacco, (p. 306). On page 307, as explanatory of the 
foregoing, *Junds of deposits" the deposits constituting a part of this 
fund, proceed from property in dispute to which the King has a claim, and 

Digitized by 


General James Wilkinson 97 

the amount is deposited until the claim is decided. The sum due to the 
fund for tobacco is a balance which remained of that particular fund after 
the King's purchases were completed." 

The crown bought Wilkinson's tobacco. In 1790 there was a 
dispute about the soundness of this tobacco. The amount therefore 
would have in due course been placed in the fund of deposits, to which 
the crown owed by 1802 over a quarter of a million dollars. 

France too, owed our citizens some twenty million francs in 
1803, which debts were assumed by the United States as part of the 
purchase price of Louisiana. I do not know how much of this was 
ever paid as the United States appears to have inclined to Falstaff 's 
favorite motto '*base is the slave that pays," and is still holding on to 
millions of dollars of money from cotton, as wrongfully seized in New 
Orleans, 1863, as Wilkinson's tobacco was in 1790. 

Miro, in one of his letters to Spain, laid great stress on the 
bogus attack that Wilkinson had caused to be made on a British 
emissary in Kentucky, and then how Wilkinson had hustled this 
emissary out of the coimtry, ostensibly to save his life. If may 
have later dawned on Miro that Wilkinson's efforts as a humorist 
were not confined to England alone. 

Fortier, Vol. 2, p. 486, says, the population of the colony of 
Louisiana, when Spain took possession in 1769, was about 14,000, 
the annual revenues were over $19,000, and the expenses $10,000 a 
year, or about 70 cents per capita. Under the Spanish domination, 
this population had increased in 1803 to 50,000, the income was 
$120,000 and the expenditures of the previous year (1802) $800,000, 
or sixteen dollars per capita, and Gayarre admits that the Spanish 
Governors of Louisiana cost their mother coimtry a clear loss of 
Fifteen Millions of Dollars. I mention this to show that Louisiana 
produced nothing like enough for her own governmental alimony 
and whenever the pay rolls were to be swelled by claims for pensions, 
the money had to be sent from Spain. 

It is therefore clear on the face of the papers that Wilkinson 
did not receive a pension or bribe from Miro, who left Louisiana for 
Spain in 1791. If Miro did write Spain for a pension for Wilkinson, 
it was not authorized by Wilkinson, and on the evidence, to be here- 
after referred to, it woiild seem reasonably certain that the amoimts 
paid him were for tobacco purchased but not paid for by the Miro 
administration and for the purchase of which, in 1790, Miro was cri- 
ticised by his home government. (See 3 Gayarre, p. 308). 

A reasonable explanation of Miro's request for a pension for 
Wilkinson, if he made such application to the King of Spain, has 

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98 s The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

been overlooked by Gayarre and other writers, who haye been eager 
to condemn Wilkinson at every opportunity. The word "pension" in 
either French or Spanish has not the same meaning that the English 
word pension has. 

A world wide authority, B, Larousse, "Dictionaire Universelle," 
Vol. 12, letter p.— Verbo "Pension" says, this word comes from the 
Latin word "Pensio." 

"Before 1790 the word "Pension" applied indistinctly to all the bene- 
fits distributed by the sovereign, and confounded under that name the 
modest recompense cf the obscure officer and the richest establishment of 

Therefore the word cited in both French and Spanish meant, 
before 1790, a recompense for personal service. The sense of the 
word was changed after the French revolutions. 

Now, all histories agree that Gardaquoin 1786 did all he could 
to obtain American settlers for upper Louisiana, and that New Madrid 
was largely composed of these settlers. Miro was trying to do the 
same by West Florida and Louisiana in 1787. When Wilkinson 
took his tobacco down to New Orleans, the latter admits he agreed 
to become, imder certain conditions, to be approved by the court 
of Spain, the immigration agent for Govemw Miro. There was 
nothing wrong about this. Spain was at peace with this cotmtry 
and there are today many inmiigration agents in the United States 
whose official duty it is to secure desirable immigrants from foreign 

Wilkinson states at some length in his Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 112, 
this conditional agreement with Miro, as to bringing these fam^Ues 
to Louisiana, and states specifically it was to be for his personal 
emolimient. On his visit in 1789, he says: 

**I was then informed by Governor Miro that the opening .of the Mis- 
sissippi to the western inhabitants bad been approved and the permission 
for the settlement had been granted, but he informed mc he had received 
no advice for our plan of colonization and the tobacco speculation.*' 

Historians of the life of Boone, who from 1795 to 1804 was a 
Spanish subject, say that the object of the Spaniards, in endorsing 
American inmiigration, was to interpose between themselves and the 
British on the North a people, who like themselves, had recently 
been at war with England. 

Wilkinson, in his Memoirs, declares, that he realized that, 
under whatever allegiance or guise American settlers came to settle 
West Florida, the safest and surest way to make that coimtry Ameri- 
can was to make the majority of its residents American. That in 

Digitized by 


General James Wilkinson 99 

proposing to do this; in his endeavcM^ to obtain the fr6e navigation 
of the Mississippi river, and to put through the then apparently 
impossible task of securing the admission of Kentucky as one of the 
States of the Federation, Wilkinson used duplicity and guile both 
with the Spaniards and the leaders of the Northern and Eastern 
States of the Union, I do not deny. I do, however, deny that the 
language used in the retranslation of his alleged letters is correct. 
Miro admits, in his letters on file in the Louisiana Historical Society, 
that he knew little English and though Navarro was his superior in 
that respect, the translation of an English cipher letter into Spanish 
was necessarily a difficult task for either of them. 

In doing this they have adopted the obsequious tone that was 
usually used by them in addressing their master in Spain, for in- 
stance, the American word "subject" is always translated as "vassal." 
the American Congress as "Americano Corte," the American Court, 
and such other liberal use of words. 

I must however insist that not one of the alleged original letters 
of Wilkinson have ever been produced, and no court in any civilized 
country would admit these alleged retranslations of former alleged 
translations against Wilkinson living and they certainly should not 
be admitted against him now that he is dead, unless the dastardly 
pleas prevail that what is not admissable against the living can be 
safely used to defame the dead. 

Miro certainly did not expect Wilkinson to serve as immigra- 
tion agent without pay, and no doubt the pension he applied for, 
if he did apply for one, was a salary to be paid Wilkinson for such 

In 1790 Miro wrote Wilkinson "you are our agent and I am ordered 
to give you hopes that the King will recompense you as I have already 

It would therefore seem that the word pension then meant as 
Larousse says, a recompense for personal service. 

I cannot otherwise reconcile Howard's statement, in his "Pur- 
chase of Louisiana," page 61, "That Miro spent in 1786 three him- 
dred thousand dollars in inflaming the Indians against the Americans," 
with Gayarre's asserted fact, that Miro attempted the year later, to 
control the leader of the men he most feared, by a recommendation, 
that at some future date, the King of Spain would pay him a paltry 
two thousand dollars a year. 

This does not sound reasonable. The explanation J offer seems 
logical, that this pay was to be for immigration services, which plan 
was abandoned in 1791. It is a coincidence that Wilkinson was ap- 

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100 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

pointed as Colonel in the army in December, 1791, the same month 
that Miro left Louisiana never to return. 

While Gayarre, raised by a grand-father, De Bore, who was so 
anti-American that he refused the first commission that Madison 
ever issued to a legislative coimcil in Louisiana, denoimced Wilkin- 
son as a bribe taker, he claims that the alleged bribe giver, Governor 
Miro, was about as pure and honest as the angels around the throne. 
I propose hereafter to show that the Spanish rulers in Louisiana and 
other American colonies from the earliest times to the time they were 
driven from their last western possession, Cuba, exhibited a long 
record of financial infamy and rottenness, and that no fair man would 
convict anyone on their ex parte and sworn, much less, their unsworn 

Could the servants be expected to be better than the master? 

Spain ruled by the infamous Godoy from 1792 to 1808, was, 

during that time, reeking with rottenness. Harrison's History of 

Spain says, p. 609: 

"There was only despotic power, unmitigated liceme. a throng oi hate- 
ful lickspittles and the depraved spectacle of an obscene queen and her 
lovfr." ********** The vicious and despotic administration of 
Godoy crowned the anarchy of the Indies and Sierras, •♦***»*•*• 
leaving a debt of over 1,200 millions of reals. ********** The 
deficit in one year amounted to 800 millions of reals, (p. 614). 

"The six years between 1802 and 1808 were years of infamy, of pro- 
found criminality on the pait of the Prince of Peace (Godoy), perpetuially 
coquetting with Napoleon and dreaming of an independent sovereignty 
in Portugal, and of shameless squabbles in the Royal family. The mere 
mention of an honest meeting oi expenses created a paroxysm oj disgust, terror 
and indignation in the palace.' (p. 620). 

"The immorality of the governing authorities gave an infinity of de- 
tails to the general misery." (p. 621). 

"Godoy is reputed to have stolen two thousand millions and Napoleon 
tried in 1808 to execute him and forever banish the imbecile King Carlos 
IV and his termagant queen to private life." (p. 631). 


"In 1808 as for finances there tvere none. The state debt at that time 
amoimted to more tlian seven millions of reals, but one-third of which was 
due to earlier governments. And the Castiles had lost one-third of their 
population by epidemics and famines." (p. 635.) 

Bancroft's History of Mexico. Vol. XH, p. 5, speaking of the 
decadence of Spain, says: 

"Godoy, a young officer, the queens favorite, impudent, incompetent, 
ambitious, thoroughly immoral, sycophant or conspirator according to the 
tide, but always villain." 

"Spain imder these baneful influences sinks lower than ever. ***** 
There is in circulation one billion nine hundred and eighty million dollars 
paper money in 1799, at 40 per cent discount. Religion is everywhere 
present as the handmaid of vice." Bancroft 6. 

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GieneTal Jafnes Wilkihson 101 

. Mr. Gay aire in his panegyric on Spanish honor, failed to re- 
member the Spanish Knights who in order to make native Americans 
produce their hidden treasures, sprayed their feet with burning oil, 
and even at the time that Gayarre wrote of, Robinson's Memoirs 
of the Mexican Revolution, Vol. 1, p. 11, says: 

''During the famous, oi rather infamous administration of Godoy, sacri- 
legiously called the Prince of Peace, every office in America, from that of Vice- 
Roy down to a menial dependent in the customhouse was publicly sold; except 
in a few instances, in which they were bestowed on the servants of the 
Prince, as a premium for their intrigues, or, as it was styled to reward 
their fidelity to his royal master or royaJ mistress. ****♦♦**)*♦ 
Under men like these were the lives and property of Spanish Americans 
placed. Out of one himdred and sixty -vice-roys who have ruled in America 
only four were Creole bom and even those four were brought up from their 
infancy in Spain." 

'The commerce of the colonies felt the fatal influence of ^)anish des- 
potism. The acts, exactions and injustice of those avaricious monopolists 
would scarcely be believed by the civilized world. Our limits will not per- 
mit us to detail them; but we may observe that extortion was the leading 
feature of that disgraceful commerce, pp. 13-14. 

I wish to call special attention to the enmity and bitterness 
that attended the various transfers of Louisiana. Louisiana was 
ceded from France to Spain by the treaty of.Fontainebleau on Nov- 
ember 3rd, 1762. Governor Ulloa from Havana was only sent to 
take possession of it for Spain on March 5th, 1766. When he came he 
remained for months at the Belize, nearly 100 miles below New Or- 
leans, where he raised the Spanish flag, and Judge Martin says for 
•'nearly two years Ulloa haimted the province as a phantom of 
dubious authority." On October 31st, 1768, Ulloa was forced to 

On July 23rd, 1769, O'Reilly arrived at the Belize wtih 3000 
Spanish troops. Concealing under the cloak of hospitality the dag- 
ger of the assassin, the latter slaughtered the leaders of the Creoles, 
the first Ameiicans on the Western continent to proclaim their in- 
dependence of Europe. 

Judge Martin says of this tragedy, "Posterity the judge of men 
in power, will doom this act to public execration.'* 

Though Louisiana was retroceded to France by the treaty of 
St. Ildefonso on October 1st, 1800, the Prefect Laussat, only came 
to New Orleans on March 26tb, 1803, and lingeied here afraid to 
even attempt to take possession for France, imtil November 30th, 
1803. But when December 20th, 1803, twenty days later, arrived, 
and it came to be the turn of the United States to take possession, 
both Claiborne and Wilkinson acted promptly, and the actual trans- 
fer took place at the hour and minute fixed. Spain was then pro- 

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102 The Louisiana HisUnical Quarterly 

Xj^tmg that Napoleon had no right to sell Louisiana, and the Creoles 
still hoped that their dream of being governed again by La Belle 
France would be realized, and consequently the feeling towards the 
representatives of the Saxon power was anything but kindly. 

Gayarre, half Spaniard and half French, was bom and grew to 
manhood imder ancestors imbued with these prejudices and probably 
is not to blame for feeling as he did. 

In his History of Louisiana he is very imjust to Wilkinson. It 

will be remembered that Wilkinscm on his first visit to New Orleans 

in 1787 prepared a memorial to the Spanish crown at the request of 

Miro and Navarro, which memorial Miro forwarded to Spain,* ♦ ♦ * 

But Gayarre says, (3rd Volume 202). 

"So much for Wilkinson's ostensible doings, but it leaked out at the 
time and passed current among those who pretended to be well informed, 
that Wilkinson had delivered to the Spanish Governor a memorial contain- 
ing other representations which were kept from the public eye." 

*They say" or *'it is said" might do for a gossip's tale, but no 
historian should resort to such hearsay as 'It passed current slmong 
those who pretended to know," particularly where the writer could 
not have known those who so pretended and he does not cite his 
authority for such pretence. 

In Gayarre's own history (3 Volume 228) is quoted an alleged 
letter of Wilkinson to Miro in which he states, that at the Danville 
Convention, held in Kentucky in 1788, **I submitted them my 
original memorial and the joint answer of yourself and Navarro." 

It would therefore seem that Gayarre's statement as to there 
being two memorials was a draft on his imagination. 

This memorial of Wilkinson is set forth in Miro's Despatch #13 
and as outlined there is an able paper. 

It showed that Wilkinson had a greater grasp on the future 

destiny of the Mississippi Valley /than any man of his time. I cite 

one passage from this memorial, written at a time when Washington 

was preparing to laboriously dig a canal, by hand, to connect the 

Potomac with the Ohio, and seventeen years before, even Jeflferson, 

awoke to the truth of what Wilkinson then portrayed. 

"When we cast our eyes on the country east of the Mississippi we 
find it cf vast expansion, varied in its climate; of excellent lands, the best 
in the new world; aboimding in the most useful mines, minerals and metals. 
On making this examination the question naturally arises; For what 
piupose did the Father of the Universe create this country? Surely for the 
good of his creatures since he has made nothing in vain. Does it not there- 
for- , strike the most limited- intellect that he who closes the only gate by 
which the inhabitants of this extensive region may approach their neigh- 
bors in pursuit of useful intercourse, opposes this benevolent design? Is not 
the Mississippi this gatel The privation of its use takes away from us 
Americans what nature seems to have provided for their indispensable 
convenience and happiness." 

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General James Wilkinson 108 

However indiscreet, unpatriotic or censurable from a strictly 
American standpoint some of the expressions in Wilkinson's alleged 
letters may seem to be, would an3rthing short of very strong assur- 
ances or invitations from Wilkinson have been sufficient to induce 
Spain to pay such active court to the people of Kentucky as would 
have caused the Northern States to at last come to the conclusion 
that it were better to take Kentucky as an imwelcomed sister than to 
see her elope as the bride of Spain. 

It will be noted that as soon as the admission of Kentucky as 
a State was assured, Wilkinson and Miro grew cool to each other, 
and that Wilkinson's tobacco was seized or as Gayoso said in his 
letter of July j5th, 1792, Wilkinson 'lost his credit in Kentucky for 
lack of means to maintain it, "The extra five year's pay that Wilkin- 
son had received as a veteran officer of the Revolution was then all 
gone and Wilkinson was then a ruined man willing, nay glad, to ac- 
cept the service and pay as a Colonel of Volimteers of the Indian 
Fighters of Kentucky. 

Daniel Boone was the pioneer of Kentucky but Wilkinson was 
undoubtedly the pioneer of American trade on the Mississippi 

To show how petty was the spite manifested against Wilkin- 
son, Gayarre says Governor Gayoso died of a malignant fever on 
July 18, 1799. This probably was from the yellow fever which was then 
epidemic in New Orleans. Gayarre then proceeds to claim that 
Gayoso's death was due to a convivial celebration with Wilkinson. 

Of course, it was a heinous oflfense in Gayarre's view for a Ken- 
tucky veteran to stand a celebration that killed off a Spanish Grandee, 
but it is the first time I ever heard of a malignant fever resulting 
from a convivial celebration. 

That Gayarre was not capable of forming correct judgments, 
in even trivial affairs is shown by an incident in his own life. While 
living in Baton Rouge he sent his carriage to a blacksmith at Baton 
Rouge, the capital, lo be repaired. These repairs cost and were 
worth two dollars. Because the blacksmith required payment be- 
fore delivery of the carriage, Gayarre's Spanish pride was so out- 
raged that he sued the blacksmith for the carriage and for one thous- 
and dollars damages. The case was carried finally to the Supreme 
Court of Louisiana where, of course, Gayarre lost. (See decisions 
Supreme Court of Louisiana.) Tunnard vs. Gayarre, 9 Annual 
p. 254. 

The claim that Wilkinson, while sojourning in Louisiana, took 
an oath of allegiance to Spain, if true, is of no significance. Under 

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104 The Louisiana Historical Qiwrterly 

instructions from the King of Spain, Miro after 1785, enforced the 
laws against strangers rigidly, and no one was aUowed to trade in, 
or remam in the Louisiana colony without taking such an oath. 
Nor was it improper that one living under the protection of a govern- 
ment, should swear allegiance to that government while in its terri- 
tory. During the late Civil war, oaths of allegiance were freely 
taken within Northern and Southern lines, though even the children 
of the affiants were fighting on the opposite side. If one can take an 
oath of allegiance to those at war with one's coimtry, through stress 
of residence, surely Wilkinson had the right, for the protection of his 
person and property, to take an oath of allegiance while in Louisiana 
to a coimtry that had aided the colonies in their war for independence 
and with which his coimtry was then at peace. Daniel Boone, the 
patron Saint of Kentuckians, while Wilkinson was fighting the sav- 
ages in defense of Kentuckians was safely away with his two sons in a 
Spanish province, commandant of the Femme Osage District of 
Spain. No Spanish land was ever given to Wilkinson, but Boone was 
given 10,000 arpents choice Spanish land, and in this grant he was 
dispensed, from what Spain sJways required to perfect a grant, its 
settlement and cultivation. After the cession of Louisiana the 
American Commissioners refused to confirm this grant because it 
had not been ratified by Governor Carondelet, or settled and cul- 
tivated, and on appeal to Congress that body on February 10th, 
1814, expressly granted to Boone, a Spanish subject from 1795 until 
1804, "1,000 arpents of land." 

One of the strongest proofs of the integrity of Wilkinson, is to be 
found in the fact that the eight volumes of the American State papers 
which contain all the Spanish land grants, and include hundreds of 
such grants to American settlers, do not show one grant in Wilkin- 
son's favor. One of his historical calumniators says, Wilkinson 
wished in 1796 to get a tract of land that Gayoso had, for the balance 
due him on his pension. To show how vile and baseless such a charge 
is, the Spanish Governors had a right up to 1798 to make gratuitous 
land grants, and if Wilkinson was such a prime favorite with both 
Miro and Gayoso and was a subject of Spain he could have gotten 
an empire of land for the asking. Daniel Clark got over 100,000 
arpents of Spanish land, much of it now in the Parish and City of 
New Orleans, which was worth, years ago, millions of dollars, not 
including tracts which the American Land Commissioners refused to 
confirm title to, declaring he had, through parties interposed, tried 
to enter same firaudulently. 

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General James Wilkinson 105 

Wilkinson never got enough land from the Spaniards to serve 
him for his grave. 

One entry in those volumes of American State Papers, Vol. 5, 
pp. 498-9, shows, that Gepeiral James Wilkinson bought on May 
12th, 1806, from Moreau, the original grantee of Governor Galvez, 
Dauphin Jsland at the mouth of the Mobile Bay. The American 
Commissioners, on the application of Wilkinson's heirs, refused to 
confirm Wilkinson's title stating, "Wilkinson was not allowed to 
hold lands imder Spain, not being a Spanish subject.*' 

That one entry is eloquent of how much of a Spanish subject 
Wilkinson really was. 

How wonderful moreover that a man charged, from Washing- 
ton's time, with conspiracies with Spain, should have been selected 
by the fathers of our republic to lead every hostile movement of American 
troops against Spain down to 1812, and should have succeeded in 
every such trust. 

Collins' History of Kentucky, p. 273, states, that in a campaign 
against the Indians north of the Ohio, a regular army imder G^eral 
Harmar was defeated in 1790 with dreadful slaughter, over halt of 
the troops being killed. General St. Clair of the regular United States 
army was thereupon appointed to command and volimteers were 
called for. The Kentuckians had no confidence in the regular 
army and its oflBcers as they did not consider they knew how to fight 
the Indians. 

Arthur and Carpenter's History of Kentucky, states that while 
these troops were being organized an expedition was gotteh up by a 
local war board in Kentucky composed of Scott, Shelby, Logan and 
Brown, 800 mounted men were called for and responded in Jime, 1791. 

"Wilkinson though holding no commission from the State enlisted for 
the expedition. He was chosen second in command imder General Scott, 
assuming the title of Colonel, and soon rendered himself conspicuous by his 
activity, attention and address." 

This campaign succeeded, and the same authority says. "After these 
acts of retaliation on the Indians the Volunteers returned home pleased 
with their new commander and highly delighted with the conduct of Wil- 

Indian depredations continuing in the Southern and Northern 
parts of Kentucky, Wilkinson published a call in July, 1791, for 
500 mounted volimteers to. proceed against the Indians. With- 
Wilkinson, as their commanding officer, this little army marched in 
to the Indian coimtry in Augxist, 1791, and destroyed the village of 
L'Anguille, killed some warriors and returned without losing a man. 

Washington deemed these campaigns of Scott and Wilkinson 

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106 The Lomsuma Historical Quarterly 

so successful and important that he sent a q)ecial message to Con- 
gress on that subject on October 27th, 1791. 

General St. Clair having raised and eqmjpped his army in 1791 
began a campaign against the savages, his army was shortly after- 
wards cut to pieces and Scott and Wilkinson raised a volimteer 
force, and were about to go to his rescue, when he reappeared. 

In December, 1791, Wilkinson was appointed a colonel in the 
regular army by President Washington, and took command of Fort 

At that time Kentucky had not as yet been admitted as a State. 
Washington acted advisedly as Butler says, pp. 182, 183. 

"On the election of Washington, in 1789, Col. Thomas Marshall, senior, 
wrote General Washington an account of matters in Kentucky as to intrigue 
and defection, specially complaining of Wilkinson. Evidently Marshall 
withdrew his statement later as General Washington wrote him on Septem- 
ber 11th, 1790," in a manner that showed that suc^h was the case, and in 
1791 appointed Wilkinson." 

The following extracts of official letters of President Washington 
to Wilkinson through his secretary of War, Mr. Knox, shows he 
placed great confidence in Wilkinson. 

War Department, April 3. 1792. 
"The expedition to the field of action, is an honorable evidencr of your 
military zeal, and I am happy you returned safely. ****^***»» 
I cannot close this letter sir, without expressing to you, the entire satisfac- 
tion of the President of the United States, of the vigilance and discretion. 
you appear tc have exercised since your command; and I flattei rryseif 
your judgment and talents will meet with all the approbation to 'v'hich 
they will be entitled." 

On April 21st, 1792, the same official wrote: 

*'It is with pleasure, I transmit to you the notification of an appomt- 
ment of Brigadier General, and I sincerely hope the other gentlemen ap- 
pointed tc act with you, as well as the commanding General will be perfect- 
ly agreeable tc you." 

Again on April 27th, 1792, the same officer writes: 

**I confess I shall feel anxious about your return from the establish- 
ment of Fort St. Clair, which will be an operation somewhat critical. How- 
ever, the confidence I have in your intelligence and activity assures me you 
will avoid all unnecessary^ hazard." 

Again on May 13th, the same officer wrote: 

"1 have the honor to enclose your commission as Brigadier General. 
I have not heard of your return from establishing Fort St. Clair, and there- 
fore some anxiety is entertained on that subject. But the confidence in 
your discretion is no small relief on the occasion." 

"Major-General Wayne is still here but will shortly set out, as wdl 
Mr. O'Hara, the quartermaster-general." General Wayne joined General 
Wilkinson socn after this. 

Digitized by 


General fames Wilkinson 107 

It would make this psjper too long to review Wilkinson's career 
through the successM campaign prosecuted up to and including 
1794, by General Wayne against the Indians, But a niunber of 
historians agree that he Viewed ability and bravery there. McElvoy 's 
History of Kentucky (pp. 180» 181) says: 

"In stgnallin^ oiit the heroes of the battle of Fallen Timbers, as History 
has called it, Wayne in his official report, gives the first place tc Brigadier 
General Wilkinson, whose brave example inspired the troops." 

Wilkinson served under Wayne until the latter's death, Decem- 
ber 15th, 1796. In 1795 Wayne, hearing that one Jos. Collins had 
brought certain money from New Orlezns to Wilkinson, which money 
was, as Collins subsequently testified, due Wilkinson for tobacco sold 
Governor Miro, he without making any charges, directly against 
Wilkinsonj instituted certain researches which offended Wilkinson 
so much that the latter wrote President Washington on February 
6th, 1796, and had his letter delivered in person by Major Gushing. 
I have the original copy of this letter made and signed by Wilkinson. 
An enclosure in this letter also by Wilkinson stated among other 

"That my conduct during the campaign of 1794, was too conspicuous 
to be equivocal, too ardent to be insincere, and that nothing could be more 
grateful to my feelings than the most rigorous investigation of it." 

Washington paid no attention to these charges, Wilkinson, 
however repeatedly requested an investigation. This is shown by 
an excerpt from Wilkinson's letter to President Adams, December 
26th, 1797, as follows: 

"The death of General Wayne silenced an investigation which I had 
much at heart, because it would have unfolded scenes and circumstances 
illustrative of my utility, my integrity and my wrongs, which now can 
never reach the public eye. So soon as his death was announced in Phila- 
delphia I waited on the Secretary of War and held a conversation with him 
precisely to the following effect. Prosecution is in the grave with General 
Wayne, but the door is still open to investigate, and I most sincer-elv wish 
an mquiry into my conduct military and political; indeed the vindicicion 
of my aspersed reputation has directed the obstinate perseverance with 
which I have pursued this subject. I know, sir, that a sinister come^aon 
with Spain is slanderously imputed to me, *****♦***♦ but con- 
scious of my innocence I court inquiry to obtain an opportunity of vindi- 
cation, which I have amply in my power. To this Secretary McHenry 
said he did not know that such things were being said or insinuated, but if 
they were I must be conscious from the President's conduct to me, that 
they made no impression on his breast, and added: *I advise you as a 
friend to give yourself no more trouble about it.' I followed the advice given 
me in the hope that the prejudice and animosities of my enemies might 
subside, but I find I have been deceived, that calumnies are still circulated 
to wound my fame and impair the public confidence." 

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108 The Louisiana Historical ^tuarterly 

To this letter President Adams replied: 

Philadelphia. February 4th, 1798. 
"I have received your favors. U is very txiie that I baVe tortured for 
a. great part pf the year past with written, anonymous insinuation^ against 
several persons in conspicuous, public stations that they have formed 
improper connection with Spain; and among others against yourself. It 
has been frec^uently asserted that you held a commission and received pay 
as a colonel m the Spanish service. This opinion appe^s to have taken 
root among the people on the Mississippi that scarcely any man arrives 
from that neighborhood, who does not bring the report along with him. 
They seem to be in such a temper in that neighborhood that nwody escapes 
accusation. ***♦*♦**** Por yourself, sir, I esteem your talents, 
I respect your services, and feel an attachment for your persons, as I do 
to every man whose name and character I have so long known in the service 
of our country, whose behavior has been consistent. We may be nearer 
than we suapect to another trial of spirits. I doubt not yours wll be found 
faithful, miat measures you may think fit to take to silence the villainous 
rumors of your connection with Spain or France I know not; but no violent 
ones or military ones will do any good. I shall give no countenance to any 
imputations unless accusations should come, and then you will have room 
to justify yourself. But I assure you that I do not expect that any charge 
will be seriously made. I am sir, your most obedient servant. 


On Wilkinson's subsequent trial, President Adams, testified to 
the above facts, and there, produced a personal letter to him from 
Alexander Hamilton, recommending Wilkinson's promotion as Major- 
General, and as Wilkinson is pilloried as a former friend of Burr, let 
us see what Burr's political enemy, the statesman that Burr killed, 
thought of him. 

New YcM-k, 7th, 1799. 
"5fr: General Wilkinson, who has been swne weeks in this dty, in 
consequence of having for object the readjustment of our military affairs, 
is about to make a journey to pay his respects to you. On such an occasion, 
I hope it will not be. thought improper that I should address you on the 
subject of this officer, since what I shall say will accord with what / know 
to he the views of General Washington, and with what I have reasons to be- 
lieve has been suggested to you with his support by the Secretary of War. 
You are appraised, sir, that General Wilkinson served with distinction in 
our revolutionary war and acquired in it the rank of Brigadier General; 
that for many years since that war he has been in the military service of the 
government, with the same rank, in which rank he, for some time, had the 
chief command of the army. That he has served with distinction in the 
latter period as General Wayne, who was not his friend, has in one instance 
very amply testified. The decided impressk)n on my mind, as a result of all 
I have heard, or known of this ofl&cer, is, that he is eminently qualified as 
to talents, is brave, enterprising, active and diligent, warmly animated by 
the spirit of his profession and devoted to it ********** I, as 
well as others, have heard things said of the General, but I have never seen 
the shadow of proof; and I have been myself too much the victim of obloquy, 
to listen to detraction imsupported by facts." 

Mediocrity, intemperance, constant plotting and intrigue, 
have all been laid at Wilkinson's door. Washington declared during 
his second term that he was himself then worse denoimced, than if he 
had been a Nero. Jefferson was repeatedly charged with political 

Digitized by 


General James . Wilkinson 109 

treaqhery and even with attempting the judicial assassination of Burr. 
It was an age of suspicion, invective and abuse. Such charges 
against Wilkinson were untrue unless Washington, Adams and 
Jefferson, to whom the former owed his elevation, were alike incom- 
peteiit to judge of Wilkinson's ability, habits and integrity. 

True it is that Marshall, of Kentucky, Wilkinson's former 
political opponent, said, that Washington promoted Wilkinson to so 
high a military command to keep him out of mischief. Yet, I cannot 
imagine of how any one could suppose that that great, proud and 
austere first President would so debase his high office, as to entrust 
almost Supreme military power in the West to a man whom he deemed 
not only an incapable officer, but capable of treachery to his coimtry. 

Wilkinson in 1795, was stationed at Cincinnati and the cities 
of the Ohio. 

The most serious charge affecting the reputation of Wilkinson 
is, that of having received a bribe, or bribes, from Governor Caronde- 
let of Louisiana, in 1797, subsequent to the former's appointment as 
commander-in-chief of the army. 

The evidence, as to this, on which Gayarre and subsequent 
historians rely, is the testimony of an English Spaniard, Thomas 
Powers, who testified before the Court Martial that tried Wilkinson 
in 1811, that he had brought $9,640 to Wilkinson from New Madrid 
to Cincinnati, (in the simmier of 1796, sent as pension money by 
Governor Carondelet from New Orleans. Gayarre states the amount 
brought by Powers, to have been the round stun of ten thousand 
dollars, but I suppose we should be duly grateful that the exaggeration 
was so small. Gayarre further states this amount was sent to Wil- 
kinson because he was then a Major-General of the United States 
and as sudi Commander-in-Chief, had the piower to aid the Spaniards 
(III Gayarre p. 364.) 

General Wayne, Wilkinson's superior officer, died on Decem- 
ber 15th, 1796, at Presque Isle, and the latter was not in Supreme 
Command imtil the early part of 1797. Wilkinson showed by the 
accoimt exhibited and evidence adduced by him at his trial in 1811, 
that $6,(XX) on accoimt of the money due him on the former seizure 
of his tobacco had been forwarded to him in 1794 from New Orleans, 
but that his messenger, Owens, bringing that amoimt had been robbed 
and murdered; that in 1796, $9,640 was sent on similar account to 
him at New Madrid, where it was received by his Agent, Philip 
Nolan, which still left $2,095 due him on his tobacco; that Nolan 
employed Powers then at New Madrid to bring this money by water 
to Louisviille while Nolan proceeded overland to that place with a 

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110 • The Louisiana Historical Quofterly 

drove of horses he was then selling; that the specie was packed in 
sugar barrels to protect it from the Indians and other bandits that 
infected the lower Ohio as well as to save it from the rapacity of the 
crew of the boat. Wilkinson admitted that Powers brought this 
money to LouisivUe and was paid for his services in 1796. To the 
critics of such crude methods of protecting or caring for money, I 
answer, that we had then no iron safes, time locks, or postal guards, 
that are so common now-a-days. 

Gayarre, 3rd Voliune 384, states that Powers and Sebastian 
sailed from New Orleans to see Don Gardaquo at Philadelphia in 
the spring of 1796. Powers testified that he and Sebastian arrived 
at Philadelphia after 19 days passage. From Philadelphia they 
went across by stage to Cincinnati, reaching Cincinnati, on May 
18th, 1796. 

{See appendix 46 Wilkinson Memoirs, 2nd Volume). 

The evidence of all the witnesses is, that Powers went down 
afterwards from Cincinnati to New Madrid and brought the $6,640 
from New Madrid back to Louisiville, and the evidence adduced by 
Wilkinson showed the money was delivered to Powers by his agent 
Philip Nolan at New Madrid and was delievered by Powers again to 
Philip Nolan at Louisville in September, 1796. After Elisha Evans 
saw the money at New Madrid in 1796, he went up the Ohio and 
stat^ed he met Powers coming down the Ohio; Powers testified, "that 
after delivering the money to Nolan at Louisville in pursuance of my 
directions, Nolan conveyed the barrels of sugar and coffee, in which 
the dollars were packed, to Frankfurt where he, the deponent. 
Powers saw them opened in the store of Mr. Montgomery Brown.** 
(See report of Butler Committee of Congress p. 39.) 

There was no attempt at secrecy in either the receipt of or in 
the forwarding of this money. If the Spaniards were forwarding by a 
secret emissary ten thousand dollars as a bribe to a leading American; 
the slightest publicity given to the matter would haye defeated the 
very object sought and would have brought disgrace to the givers as 
well as the receiver of the bribe. 

In the evidence taken before Congress, in 1810, Elisha Winters 
testified against Wilkinson, that the Spanish commandant at New 
Madrid told him freely of the amoimt going to Wilkinson in 1796, 
and showed him the chest of Spanish dollars. That he. Winters, wrote 
out the full particulars of this and gave same to General Wayne and 
afterwards saw his letter in the hands of Mr. McHenry, the Secretary 
of War, under President Washington. (2d Memoirs appendix 35.) 

On February 6th, 1796, six months before this incident, Wilkin- 

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General Jam$s WiOans&H 111 

son was pleading in writing with President Washington, and with 
this very secretary for a seardiing inquiry of this conduct with Spain. 
His explanations must have been entirely satisfactory dnce Alexan- 
der Hamilton wrote that Washington before his death wished to see 
Wilkinson promoted to the Chief command. 

To show how sadly Gayarre got his facts jimibled up, he says (3 
Vol.364) that after Powers had gone to Philidelphia in the Spring of 
1796, he soon returned to Kentucky with a memcwrial from the Baron 
de Carondelet, and with tempting offers. 

'To back these tempting offers, and to smooth difficulties, 
money had been sent up the Mississippi and the Ohio, and Powers, 
who had several interviews with Wilkinson delivered to him $10,000, 
which he carried up concealed in bags of sugar and coffee. Wilkin- 
son had just been appointed Major General of the United States 
army in the place of Wayne, who had dted recently , and Powers was 
directed to avail himself of his intercourse with Wilkinson to ascer- 
tain the force discipline and temper of the army imder that General, 
and report thereon to Carondelet," (3 Gayarre 364). 

To all of which memorial Wilkinson is alleged to have returned 
an emphatic refusal to aid Spain. 

Now it is hard to get more errors in a small compass than this. 
Powers came to the Ohio from Gardoquo at Philadelphia in 1796, 
and not from Carondelet at New Orleans. The incident as to the 
money took place in 1796, as all the evidence shows, yet in order to 
justify his bribe theory Gayarre kills off General Wayne months 
before he died, promotes Wilkinson to the Supreme Command of the 
army in 1796 instead of the actual time 1797, and either post-dates 
the alleged bribe or antedates Carondelet's memorial one year so as to 
combine the bribe and the Memorial. 

On April 12th, 1802, Wilkinson, Hiawkins and Anderson were 
appointed by President Jefferson to negotiate a treaty and lay off the 
boundary between the Creek Nations and the United States in the 
State of Georgia. (See Message of President Jefferson, December 
13th, 1804.) 

Wilkinson Memoirs (2nd Vol., p. 248), says: 

"Having completed the demarcation of the Indian boundary under 
extreme ill health during an inclement- season, I arrived at Fort Adams the 
27th of January, 1803, and took shelter under a roof the first time in six 

Prior to this on October 16th, 1802, the Intendant Morales had 
suspended the right of deposit at New Orleans guaranteed to the 
American settlements on the river above by the treaty of 1795. The 

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1 12 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

answer of the west to this violation of their rights was, "No power on 
earth will deprive us of this right. ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦* * If Congress re- 
fuses us effectual protection, if it forsakes us, we will adopt measures 
that our safety requires, even if they endanger the peace of the 
Union and our connection with other States, — No Protection — No 
Allegiance.'' (3rd Gayarre, p. 457). 

Wilkinson was at that time in the wilds of Georgia or he, no 
doubt, would have been held responsible for these bold utterances 
by men who 13 years later helped to save the day for American arms 
at Chalmette. 

Wilkinson had heard of the annubnent by Morales of the right 
of deposit at New Orleans, guaranteed by the treaty of 1795, and had 
sent Captain Schaimiburgh to protest against this occlusion. Fore- 
seeing the certain war that this act of the Spaniards would bring on, 
Wilkinson sent a secret letter to Vice-Consul Ruling which asked, from 
the latter, a full report of the fcMlifications on New Orleans. His 
letter to Huling and Hilling's reply are cited in his Memoirs (Vol. H, 
appendix). This followed the appointment of Livingston, and subse- 
quently Monroe, as commissioners to France and their successful 
treaty for Louisiana. At the cession proceedings Jefferson chose 
Claiborne, Governor of Mississippi, representing the Civil Power, 
and Wilkinson, the highest military officer in the South, to represent 
the army, to receive Louisiana at the hands of the French, thus 
answering Clark and other slanderers who had been defaming Wil- 
kinson to him. 

One historian has said: 

"To the last Wilkinson was protected and honored by Jefferson; was 
thanked by the Legislature for betraying Burr; was acquitted by a packed 
court of inquiry, and has left behind him, in justification of his life and deeds, 
three ponderous volumes of Memoirs as false as any written by man." 
(McMaster's History U. S., Vol. 3rd, p. 88). 

Wilkinson attached to his Memoirs over 300 pages of authenic 
evidence in appendix. 

How lost to public decency a writer must be, who without the 
slightest proof to sustain it, charges Jefferson with packing a court 
to acquit any man and that a body of honorable officers of the revo- 
lution constituting such court corruptly violated their oaths. 

Roosevelt in his ''Winning of the West," indulges in many 
strictures against Wilkinson. This writer, though noted as a seceder 
from every person or party that has not agreed with him, has no 
patience with Wilkinson's leanings towards secession. 

Mr. Roosevelt has not the poise to meet the requirements of an 

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General James Wilkinson 113 

historian, as that which does not seem * 'bully" to him or with which 
he is not ''delighted" is apt to meet his too severe condemnation. 

As I do not wish to be elected a member of Mr. Roosevelt's 
Ananias Club, I pass on to a discussion of the views of later writers 
as to Wilkinson's record. 

Prof. Shepherd in his article on Wilkinson in the 9th Volimie 
American Historical Review, p. 503, says: 

"Gayarre is misleading when he states (Vol. III. p. 195) that on the 
occasion of Wilkinson's first visit. Miro gave Wilkinson permission to intro- 
duce into Louisiana, free of duty, many western articles of trade which were 
adapted to this market.' ♦♦*♦*♦***♦ 'There are several rea- 
sons to believe the contrary." 

"Among them may be mentioned first, aside from the proverbial cau- 
tion of the Spanish officials, the fact is that the laws of the Indies prohibited 
the grant of commercial privileges to foreigners without the specific approval 
of the home government." 

"In the second place, the Spanish Colonial officials were accustomed 
to render the most minute reports of their administration, particularly if 
the business belonged to the reserved or seaet class." 

Prof. Shepherd also lays stress on Wilkinson*^ alleged oath of 
allegiance to Spain in 1789, and the latter's memorial of 1797, all of 
which have been fully discussed by me. 

The latest article I have noted on Wilkinson is from the scholarly 
pen of Prof. I. J. Cox, another Northern historian. 

This article is printed in Vol. 19 Americar Historical Review, 
p. 794, and charges Wilkinson in the Spring of 1804, to use a common 
and expressive term, with having **maced'' Governors Folch and the 
Marquis de Casa Calvo out of $12,000.00, for certain **refiections" 
that Wilkinson wrote, and Folch translated and signed and sent in 
his own name to his home govemnient. This is alleged to have 
occurred shortly after the time of the transfer of Louisiana, and is 
probably the weakest of the many weak attacks made on Wilkinson. 
It is on its face extremely improbable. No people on earth were 
ever more proud of their military knowledge and training than the 
Spanish Military Officials, and no class of men, from the cruel Cortes 
down, were more noted for their capacity to get and unwillingness to 

Prof. Cox would have us believe that Casa Calvo, a Spanish 
Grandee and general, gave Wilkinson $12,000.00 for his **refl[ections" 
and this without the authorization from his home government. 

Miro deemed such an authorization necessary for even a pro- 
posed pension of $2,000.00. 

Martin's History of Louisiana, p. 323, says. After the cession 
of Louisiana, 

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114 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

"Considerable distress was felt from the great fx:arcity of a ciroilating 
medium, silver was no longer brought from Vera Cruz by the government 
and the Spaniards were not very anxious to redeem a large quantity of 
liberanzas, or certificates, which they bad left afloat in the provmre and which 
were greatly depreciated." 

If Casa Calvo had the $100,000.00 of government money then 
on hand, as Prof. Cox states, it was no doubt to pay a part of the 
enormous sum of $400,000.00 that Spain then owed in Louisiana, and 
the receipt of which the Intendant Morales waited for in vain when 
he was expelled with Casa Calvo by Claiborne in 1806. Therefore, 
it would have been necessary for Casa Calvo to have embezzled or 
diverted some $12,000.00 of this money from its proper destination, 
and to have given same to an officer whose recent conduct had shown 
his zeal against Spain and his devotion to his own country. I do not 
mean to say that Casa Calvo was too good to do such a thing, but the 
Spaniards had not suffered as the Egyptians had, when their depart- 
ing hosts, led by Moses, ''Spoiled the Egyptians," and I do not think 
the Spaniards could have been such easy marks. The sole authority 
for these statements of Prof. Cox are reports made by Governor 
Folch to his home government. 

When the first court of inquiry was held in 1808 at Washington 
to examine into Wilkinson's conduct, the latter produced a letter 
from Governor Folch and later the latter's sworn testimony, ob- 
tained by Governor Claiborne, that Wilkinson was entirely innocent 
of all these charges. This sworn testimony of Folch was fortified by 
the testimony of Gilberto Leonard, the former Spanish treasurer, 
who Claiborne in his letter to Madison of January 31st, 1804, declared 
was a man of integrity. But says Prof. Cox, tWs testimony of Gov. 
Folch was obtained by allowing him, in violation of Jefferson's em- 
bargo, to get through New Orleans a shipment of 1500 barrels of flour 
to the starving people of Pensacola. It is an elementary rule of law 
that both the previous verbal and written statements of a witness 
may be adduced to impeach his sworn evidence.. Here it is averred 
that the witness was bribed to make and did make false sworn declara- 
tions and yet Professor Cox asks us to give full faith and credit, not 
to the sworn, but to the later unsworn and exparte declarations 
of the same witness. Again Wilkinson was in Washington during 
this time and Governor Claiborne was in full charge of the Port of 
New Orleans. Any such attempts to bribe Gov. Folch must have 
been made with and could not have been. carried out without Clai- 
borne's knowledge, assent and connivance. Claiborne certainly 
did not bribe or suborn Folch to give false testimony. 

Daniel Clark before his open rupture with Wilkinson in his 

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General James Wilkinson 115 

letter to the latter, dated February 7th, 1807, (Wilkinson's Memoirs 
Vol. 2nd, Appendix 57) speaks of this rumor, *'As to your having 
received $10,000.00 when you went to take possession, I have pointed 
out the utter impossibility of such a thing." 

But one thing was not impossible, Casa Calvo and Folch could 
have spent this money and then charged it to a source which their 
own government would have been tempted to keep quiet about. 

Of Casa Calvo, only a few months before, Laussat had written 
to his home government, "The same Marquis de Casa Calvo, was, in 
January, 1793, and during the following months in command of Fort 
Dauphin at St. Domingo, and was at the head of his troops drawn 
up in battle array, when the blacks led by Jean Francois massacred 
seventy-seven defenseless Frenchmen, who were relying on the faith 
of treaties. The Colonists of St. Domingo still speak of this fact 
with feelings of horror." 

In Lewis and Clark's Journal, Vol. 7, Appendix p. 379, 

Capt. Meriwether Lewis, who went to St. Louis in 1804, before its 
transfer from Spain, says: 

"From the commencement of the Spanish Provincial government of 
Louisiana, whether by permission of the crown, or originating in the pe- 
cuniary rapacity of the Governor's General, this officer assumed to himself 
the right of trading with all the Indian Nations in Louisiana; and therefore 
proceeded to dispose of this privilege to individuals for specific sums; his 
example was followed by the governors of upper Louisiana, who made a 
further exaction/* 

"The evil resulting from high prices for necessities of life to the Indians 
caused so much trouble by the latter, that expeditions had to be set on foot 
to quell them. These parties rarely accomplished anytnmg, but Lewis 
adds, the soldiers on their return were made to sign receipts f'^r about four 
times as much as they received, **and the balance was of course laken by the 

About the same time Governor Claiborne wrote to Madison, 
January 2nd, 1804, "It is a shameful fact that under the administra- 
tion of Governor Salcedo many of the positions of honor and profit 
within his gift were sold, and that even when exercising the sacred 
character of a judge he often vended his decisions." 

"After sudi an account you will not be surprised that the same 
depravities pervaded the system m every dtrectton." 

"The arrears in the department of justice are very great, many 
of the causes are of considerable importance and some of them have 
been pending upwards of twenty years. Corruption has put her seal 
on them." (Robertson's Louisiana, Vol. 2, p. 23.) 

Probably Casa Calvo was no better than Salcedo. The record 
shows the Spanish rulers of Louisiana had just prior to that time 
tried to defraud the United States out of large tracts of lands by ante- 
dated grants. Spain still owed Wilkinson $2,095.00 a long overdue 

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balance on his tobacco, and Casa Calvo and Folch may have followed 
the example of the unfaithful steward in scripture by casting up 
false accounts to their ultimate advantage. 

The Marquis of Casa Calvo's mission in Louisiana was to act 
as boimdary commissioner; which was to see that Spain got as much 
and the United States as little as possible of the ceded territory. 
To this end, the Marquis appointed on March 31st, 1804, the crafty 
Don Thomas Power as one of the surveyors. 

(Robertson's Louisiana Vol. 2, 174). 

The same authority quotes a letter of March 31st, 1804, from 
Casa Calvo to Laussat in which the former protested to Laussat 
about the American claims. Robertson also quotes several letters 
from Casa Calvo to the Spanish Minister, from the archives of 
Madrid denouncing the American claims, which claims were of course 
championed by both Wilkinson and Claiborne to the President. 

Finally on January 10th, 1806, Governor Claiborne wrote Casa 
Calvo stating his authority to act as boimdary commissioner, had 
never been accepted by the United States and as there was no pos- 
sibility of their agreement on the subject his presence here was no 
longer desirable. 

Not only, as I will hereafter show, was the Spanish government 
then robbing with rapacious greed the people and even the churches 
of Mexico, to send money to the infamous Godoy and his mercena- 
ries in Spain, but Louisiana had slipped from the failing hand of that 
bankrupted government, the latter owed the people of her former 
colony nearly a half million dollars, and the Spanish paper currency 
called Liberanzas was then circulating at a ruinous discount in New 
Orleans and nothing was being done to redeem it. (Martin p. 323). 

It is more than improbable that Casa Calvo had any large amount 
of money at all in New Orleans in 1804. In his letters to his home 
government, quoted in Robertson's Louisiana, he mentions the 
employment of two surveyors, one of whom was the notorious Thomas 
Power, as I have said, and this survey work did not require much 
money, and none of it was ever actually done. The claim is made 
that he brought this $100,000.00 from Vera Cruz in silver and that the 
$12,000, it is alleged he paid Wilkinson, was in bags of this same silver, 
the large part of which was invested by Wilkinson in ''a cargo of sugar'' 
that he took with him to Philadelphia. 

Now one hundred thousand dollars of silver would have weighed 
over 7,000 pounds, and $12,000.00, of silver, 1,000 pounds, or three 
mule loads of silver. Gayarre states that when Casa Calvo left 
Louisiana overland in 1806 it was ''suspected" he took considerable 

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General James Wilkinson 117 

money with him. It would have taken a caravan of at least 20 
mules to have carried away $100,000.00 of silver ^nd suspicion would 
hardly have been necessary concerning what would then have been a 
patent fact. 

I submit further that the affidavit of John McDonaugh, Jimior, 
in Clark's Proofs, p. 51, is also questionable. This affidavit states 
that in March, 1804, affiant bought for Wilkinson 107 hogs- 
head of sugar for $8,045.35; that he, affiant, chartered the ship 
Louisiana, for Wilkinson, to take this sugar to Philadelphia on which 
ship the General also took passage; that Wilkinson paid for this 
sugar in Mexican dollars. 

In the Louisiana Gazette of that time sugar is quoted at 10 to 
15 cents a pound. Allowing 1,000 pounds to each of the above 
hogsheads, the entire weight would have been only 53J-tons, a very 
small quantity of freight to warrant the charter of an entire ship for a 
1,200 mile ocean voyage. It would therefore seem that this witness 
was either lying or exaggerating. Wilkinson's pay as a General in 
the army with allowances was between $3,000 and $4,000 a year 
while on active service. He had been working for years on the 
frontier and among the Indians in Georgia where all his expenses 
had been paid, and he had there no chance to spend money. Besides 
he stated that the government had allowed him extra for his survey 
work which was paid to him by Mr. Taylor, the disbursing agent. 
This purchase of sugar, if made at all by Wilkinson, was open and not 
by a party interposed and the payment, as alleged, if made, was 
entirely open. The quantity may have been exaggerated, since 
McDonaugh, Junior, errs even in his date, March, 1804, for on 
March, 24th, 1804, Governor Claiborne wrote Madison^ "Wilkinson 
is still here, and I believe will not depart until the Spanish troops are 
withdrawn and the public buildings delivered." 

Clark claims that Taylor was then dead, but such payments 
of disbursing officers are all of record in Washington. Clark was a 
member of Congress there two years later, and his chief mission on 
earth at that time was to himt up evidence against Wilkinson. 

He made this special charge against Wilkinson in his *Troofs," 
but it was entirely ignored and dropped in the charges made against 
Wilkinson in 1810, which latter were all based on Randolph and 
Clark's attacks. Merchandise of that period was usually paid for in 
New Orleans in Mexican silver. There was no other money then in 
circulation in New Orleans. There were no mints in this country 
south of Philadelphia. Mexican money largely circulated all over 
the South and even in the East and West Indies up to the Civil War. 

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There^was'always more pure silver in the Mexican sunburst than in 
our own dollar. 

Northern historians are singularly silent on those statesmen of 
the North, who, during all this time, were willing to rend the Union 
whenever their interest prompted it, and yet they twist every circum- 
stance to fit their attacks on Wilkinson. 

This article of Prof. Cox contains a statement as to the testi- 
mony of Isaac Briggs from ''Wilkinson's Memoirs, 2nd Volume, 
Appendix 59," which is grossly incorrect. Briggs there stated that 
he held a conversation with Wilkinson in October, 1806, in which 
Wilkinson jestingly referred to himself as **a Spanish officer on his 
way to fight the Spaniards," and of how he had received $10,000.00 
from them in 1804. Professor Cox states that JBriggs testified he 
visited Wilkinson again in the middle of November, 1806, when the 
latter's wife was at the point of death at Major Minor's house at 
Natchez, and that Wilkinson assured him then, that the money he 
received m 1804 at New Orleans from the Spaniards was due him for 

In the Briggs deposition, every line of which I have examined 
most carefully, no reference whatever is made to this subject on this 
visit of Briggs to Wilkinson in November, and in his deposition, as 
to the former interview in October, Briggs on his cross examination 
expressly declared Wilkinson "spoke jocularly and* precipitately'* 
(Appendix 59). 

I submit it is not fair to turn what a witness expressly says was 
stated to him in jest by the speaker, as an admission ot the latter's 

Wilkinson remained in New Orleans for some months after 
Governor Claiborne assumed control. In 1805 Wilkinson was made 
military governor of upper Louisiana, with headquarters at St. 
Louis. Under orders of the War Department, dated March 13th, 
1806, he was ordered to send most of his forces down the river to 
Fort Adams. 

On March 18th, 1806, he was notified that the Spaniards were 
making a reinforcement of the post of Natchitoches necessary, and to 
that end to send Col. Cudiing with several companies and artillery 
there. Shortly after receiving this order Col. Cushing was sent 
down with discretionary powers over his force. 

On May 6th, 1806, Wilkinson received orders from the War 
Department to repair himself to the Territory of Orleans, and take 
command, to resist any\ encroachments by Spaniards thereon, and to 
repel invasion and oppose force by force, but his specific orders were: 

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General James Wilkinson 119 

"It is highly probable that within a very short time, we shall receive 
accounts of a satisfactory adjustment of all disputes between us and 
Spain; hostilities ought, therefore, to be avoided by all reasonable 
means wtthtn our power, but an actual invasion of our territory can- 
not be submitted to." 

Wilkinson, finding the Spaniards had encroached on Louisiana 
soil, acting in obedience to his orders, arranged a conference with the 
Spanish Commander, and induced him to keep his forces to the west 
side of the Sabine, to await the result of later negotiations, which 
were successful, thereby achieving a bloodless victory, for which he 
was much complimented by President Jefferson. While engaged in 
this campaign, an emissary of Burr, Samuel Swarthout, delivered a 
letter from him in cipher to Wilkinson at Natchitoches, October 
8th, 1806. 

Some historical hyenas evoke suspicion against Wilkinson 
from the use of this cipher. Wilkinson, however, proved on his trial 
that he corresponded in the same cipher with Burr when he was Vice- 
President, and with other army officers whom he named, and produced 
such letters. Burr loved the mysterious so much that he correspond- 
ed in cipher with his own daughter. 

In Jefferson's writing will be found a mmiber of his letters 
declaring that he refrained from writing often because the mails 
were not safe and his letters were subject to espionage; That the 
chief officer in the United States army should be suspected, because 
he had corresponded in cipher with the man who, up to the year 
previous, was Vice-President, would be to suspect every prominent 
official of the present day of crime. 

Even the writers who accuse Wilkinson of venality admit he 
was keen and brilliant. He was then at the siunmit of military power. 
The warrior Joab was not closer to David than he was to the President. 
That he should throw all this away; throw away a long record of 
military bravery and loyalty in which he fought from the lowest 
rank to supreme command, to become second in command to a man 
that Wilkinson pitied and tried to help, in vain, in 1805, second in 
command too, if Burr's claims were true, on an imcertain filibuster- 
ing expedition, like those later of Walker in Nicaragua and Fry in 
Cuba, would certainly not show venality, but sheer insanity. The 
ill informed writers who say Wilkinson first intended to attack the 
Spaniards and then concluded not to attack them, and to betray 
Burr, lose sight of the fact that Wilkinson in his actions towards the 
Spaniards complied exactly with the orders of the President of the 
United States given him beforehand; that if he had disobeyed 

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120 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

these orders and, without first having held a conference had attacked 
the Spaniards and caused great loss of life, he could have been court- 
martialed and shot. These attacks are on a par with an attack of 
another historical scavenger, who claims that jealousy prompted 
Wilkinson to send Trueman and Hardin, two of his officers, under a 
flag of truce in 1792, to the Indians, both of these officers being 
murdered on that mission. The records show that Wilkinson was 
ordered by Washington, through the War Department, dated April 
3rd, 1792, to make no attack on the Indians until he had extended 
the olive branch. This order further read: 

"In pursuance of the design of peace Captain Trueman is by his own 
request and desire employed on a mission to the hostile Indians. He will 
disclose to you his instructions and the message to the said Indians of which 
he is the bearer. You will advise him the most direct measures to accom- 
plish his .object and aflford him every possible aid to that end." 

And by letter from General Knox, Secretary of War, dated 
July 17th, 1792, the appointment of Colonel Hardin, selected to go 
with Trueman, was noticed and, **the terms you stipulated to Col. 
Hardin shall be performed on the part of the public." 

The first military, service that was performed by George Wash- 
ington was on such a mission. 

Even so fair and kindly an historian as the late President of this 
society, Mr. Fortier, has impliedly charged Wilkinson with the 
great mortality of his troops in 1809 by camping at a morass or swamp 
in Terre aux Boeufs, below the city, when as District Attorney of 
that District for twelve years, I know the site where Wilkinson 
encamped his troops at Terre aux Boeufs is the highest land be- 
tween New Orleans and the mouth of the river, over 100 miles dis- 
tant, and has much better natural drainage than the city of New 
Orleans, being a high ridge of land that extends from the river for 15 
miles back in the interior. 

The defamers of Wilkinson also failed to note the fact that 
all the previous charges made against Wilkinson were that he was 
strongly pro-Spanish, while, whatever doubt there was of the true 
object of Burr's expedition, there was no doubt on the point that it 
was to be against Mexico or some other dependency of Spain. Burr, 
knowing Wilkinson loved adventure and that he had once been 
active for the secession of the settlements of Kentucky, believed he 
could be readily induced to act with him. Conspirators do not arrest 
each other when they have been writing in cipher to each other on the 
subject of conspiracies, unless, like Samson, they desire to pull down 
a temple on themselves. Wilkinson, then living under a different 

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General James Wilkinson 121 

form of a stable government, in a territory justly belonging to the 
United States, refused to act with Burr. The arrest of Burr, Burr's 
second arrest after he attempted to escape, the action of the same 
Judge, that fined General Jackson and Judge Workman's similar 
action against Wilkinson, the forwarding of Burr for trial to Virginia 
and his subsequent acquittal, are all well known. While Burr, after 
his acquittal, and every witness that knew anything, were living to 
testify against Wilkinson on his trial in 1811, the latter was then 
acquitted by a jury of his peers of all complicity in the Burr con- 

Even John Randolph, Wilkinson's bitter enemy and the person 
who acted as foreman of the Grand Jury that indicted Burr, could not 
scrape up enough evidence to indict Wilkinson of complicity with 
Burr, much less to prove him guilty. 

The defamers of Wilkinson all fail to note that fact, as foimd 
by Wilkinson's court-martial later, that the latter could have attacked 
the Spaniards at the Sabine river, thereby engaging his troops with 
the enemy and thus have left the field clear for Burr's forces against 
New Orleans, and this without incurring the least responsibility to 
himself, if Burr had failed in his imdertaking. 

The charge, that Wilkinson gave Burr suspicious letters of 
introduction to General Adair and to Daniel Clark are fully ex- 
plained in his Memoirs. Burr at that time desired to be elected as a 
delegate to Congress from one of the territories and had made suc- 
cessive suggestions in that direction as to Tennessee, Indiana and 
Louisiana. These letters, seeking support for Burr, a non-resident, 
left the latter to explain to the recipients of these letters his own 
candidacy. Wilkinson's expression in his letter to Adair, most seized 
upon, was, 

''Colonel Burr understands your merits and reckons on you. 
Prepare to visit me and I will tell you all. 

We must have a peep at the unknown world beyond me. I 
shall want a pair of strong carriage horses at about $120.00 each, 
young and sound, substantial but not flashy." ♦**♦*♦♦* 

St. Louis was at that time our most western city, Wilkinson's 
son James was then preparing to leave with the Pike survey party 
towards the Rocky Moimtains, and that no warlike expedition was 
then contemplated is shown by the fact that the proposed trip was 
to be by carriage. Eight months later. United States Senator Adair 
wrote to Wilkinson from Washington, on January 27th, 1806, saying, 

"Burr's business in the west is to avoid a prosecution in New 
York ****♦♦***♦* Both the ruling parties in New York 

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122 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

have made proposals to Colonel Burr offeiing to pass a law pardoning 
all his past and promising to elect him Governor if he will return. 
He left this a few days ago for the South and will return bcffore the 
session closes. Whether he will accept their proposals I cannot 

Burr wrote the same month from Philadelphia to Wilkinson 
on January 6th, 1806. 

"We are to have no Spanish war except in ink and words. It is 
imdoubtedly best, for we are in a poor condition to go to war, even 
with Spain." 

It is therefore only fair to suppose that Wilkinson's letter in- 
troducing Burr to Adair did not refer to a warlike expedition, since 
nothing appears to have been contemplated of that character be- 
tween the date of the letter of introduction, May 28th, 1805, and the 
letters of January, 1806, quoted above and both published at greater 
length in Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. II, Appendix. That Adair 
himself, attached no suspicion to this letter of Wilkinson is shown by 
a quotation from '^Memoirs of Aaron Burr" by Davis, (Volume 2nd, 
page 379.) 

"General Adair possessed the confidence of Colonel Burr in re- 
lation to his western movements m a greater degree than any other 
individual y Burr was introduced to Adair by General Wilkinson. 
In a letter dated March, 1807, General Adair says: 

**So far as I know or believe of the intentions of Colonel Burr, 
and my enemies will agree that I am not ignorant on this subject, they 
were to prepare and lead an expedition into Mexico, predicated on 
a war between the two governments." 

General Adair said fiu-ther that Wilkinson agreed to act with 
Burr in this and that the former had, 

"Made a venal and shameful bargain with the Spaniards at 
Sabine River." 

Burr seems to have had such wonderful powers of fascination 
or personal magnetism as to have hypnotized some of his followers. 

How inconsistent it is for historians to condemn Wilkinson for 
having given a letter of introduction to Burr, when Adair, the re- 
cipient of that letter, later declares that Burr intended no wrong. 
One of the most singular of the angles of the attacks on Wilkinson 
was that while the friends of Burr were most bitter in assailing 
Wilkinson as a factor in the Burr conspiracy, they at the same time 
claimed that the leader of the conspiracy was himself perfectly 

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General James Wilkinson 123 

To show what sophistry Adair resorted to, he coxild see nothing 
wrong in an attack on Mexico, a country with which we were then 
at peace. 

His attacks on Wilkinson were unethical and absurd on their 
face. As a soldier he knew that a soldier's first duty was loyal obedi- 
ence to his commander, the President. 

One would have supposed that a good citizen would have re- 
joiced that Wilkinson had obeyed the orders of the President and 
achieved an honorable and bloodless peace at the Sabine instead of 
denoimcing Wilkinson because that peace left the little army imder 
Wilkinson free to crush Burr's plans. I am willing to concede that up 
to the time that Wilkinson received Burr's cipher letter from Swarth- 
out near Natchitoches on October 8th, 1806, neither he, nor any one 
in Louisiana, believed that Burr had any serious designs against any 
United States territory. 

While Adair was much with Burr, Wilkinson had only seen the 
latter, after leaving Washington, twice in 1805 and not once in 1806, 
and had not heard from him but three times in 1806. I have shown 
that Burr wrote Wilkinson a letter on January 6th, 1806, declaring 
there was no chance for a war with Spain, and he then being near 
the seat of government ought to have been better posted than Wil- 
kinson, in far off St. Louis. But later that spring the Spaniards 
increased their forces at Mobile on the east, and a large force invaded 
Louisiana at Sabine river on the west, and Wilkinson received orders 
to send a force to the latter territory, in March, 1806, and later, 
in May, to go there himself. Wilkinson admits when he first heard 
the news of the encroachments of the Spaniards he said to many 
people he believed it meant war. 

He had held no commimications with Burr since the previous 
October and was busily engaged with his military preparations at St. 
Louis, when on May 12th, 1806, he received the following letter from 
Burr which is published in the appendix to the second volimie of his 

April 16th, 1806. 
"The execution of our project is postponed until December; want of 
water in the Ohio rendered movement impracticable; other reasons render^ 
delay expedient. The association is enlarged and comprises all that Wil- 
kinson could wish. Confidence limited to a few. Though this delay is irk- 
some it will enable us to move with certainty and dignity. Burr will be 
throughout the United States this summer. Administration is damned 
which Randolph aids. Burr wrote you a lone letter last December replying 
to a short one deemed very silly. Nothing has been heard of Brigadier since 
October, Is Cusion at Fortes right. Address, Burr, Washington." 

This letter is published in Wilkinson's Memoirs, 2nd Volume, 

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124 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Appendix 83. Wilkinson declared that he never got the letter Bun- 
said he had written in December, but he produced the one written 
later to him by Burr in January, 1806. 

In those January letters not a hint was given, either by Burr, 
or by his self-avowed confidant Adair, of any proposed expedition. 
If Wilkinson was to have been the moving spirit of any such expedi- 
tion and was to have constituted it's military arm, why had the 
^'Brigadier*' not been heard from for over six months and why had 
he not been considered important enough to consult, as to when, 
and where, the movement was to be laimched. At first blush it 
would seem that Burr's troubles had then unsettled his mind. 

No doubt the rapid change in the Spanish situation had in- 
spired him with the idea of launching some military movement in 
which he strongly coimted on Wilkinson's aid against the Spanish 
authorities, but Wilkinson's critics have always charged that he had 
a leaning to Spain and in this instance he should be given at least the 
credit of not going to war on his own account against her without 

Wilkinson wrote the following day. May 13th, 1806, asking 
Burr, to explain what he meant by this letter. I will show later how 
Burr, after a hypocritical pretence that he could not possibly show 
what had been written to him in confidence, on being requested by 
Wilkinson, in open court, to produce this and all other letters that he 
had written to him, refused to do so claiming he had given this par- 
ticular letter to a third party. Who that party was Burr did not 
state, as he, if known, could have been summoned to produce this 
letter. I call particular attention to the fact that the most bitter 
charges were made against Wilkinson both before and after the Burr 
trial, the daughter of Burr having written a book against him, yet 
this letter, demanded by Wilkinson face to face with Burr, has 
never as yet been produced. 

I attach little importance to the charge that Wilkinson furnished 
Burr a boat to go down the Mississippi River .in 1805, as Andrew 
Jackson had furnished Burr a boat on the Ohio, to do the same on 
that river, had entertained him elaborately, and Davis in his Memoirs 
of Burr, (Volimie 2, page 382) says, **Jackson promised to aid Burr 
in his invasion of Mexico with a whole division of troops." Jackson 
also went to Burr's defense at Richmond and made a speech on the 
streets there in his defense. 

But the truth is, that Wilkinson did not furnish Burr with either 
a boat or crew to go down the Mississippi in 1805. Capt Daniel 
Hughes testified before the Bacon Conmiittee in 1811: 

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General James Wilkinson 125 

*'Q. Did General Wilkinson send a boat for Colonel Burr, to 
the mouth of the Cximberland? 

A. No, I do not believe he did. Col. Burr came down the river 
in his own flat, passed a boat in which I lodged, and was hailed by a 
sentinel before he landed. 

Q. Did General Wilkinson furnish Col. Burr a crew or a barge 
to descend the river, and what was his mode of transport? 

A. No, Colonel Burr embarked in a barge, the private property 
of Capt. Bissell, manned by a crew taken from a detachment, which 
had been ordered to reinforce the lower posts on the Mississippi." 

A very careful examination of certain of the salients facts con- 
nected with the Burr conspiracy has not been made in any of the many 
publications that I have read on this subject. 

The very causes of Burr's unpopularity in Puritanical and 
righteous New England made Burr a hero in the West and South 
with such men as Jackson who believed in the duelling code. 

In Creole New Orleans, particularly, duelling was so fixed an 
institution that Mr. Lewis, the brother-in-law of the governor, was 
killed in 1806 and in 1807 it's governor was wounded in a duel by the 
member of Congress from that territory and nothing was thought 
of it. 

When Burr went down to New Orleans in 1805 he received an 
ovation. His stepson, Prevost, was one of the Superior Judges of 
Louisiana. Burr immediately allied himself with the party opposed 
to Governor Claiborne, in fact Burr's friends claimed that Claiborne's 
appointment, as the territorial governor of Mississippi, was but a 
reward for his vote for Jefferson, for President, in Congress, two 
years before his appointment as Governor. If this be true it may be 
said that for such service Claiborne deserved much more trom his 

On Burr's expedition down the Ohio in November, 1806, he was 
again the recipient of the greatest attention. Even after his arrest 
and trials at Frankfurt he was given a banquet. Burr was conceded 
to be a man of courage. Now Adair and other friends of Burr declare 
he only contemplated an invasion of Mexico. Wilkinson became 
convinced, as well as did Governor Claiborne, that Burr had hostile 
intentions against New Orleans after Burr's cipher letter to him, writ- 
ten in July and received by Wilkinson October 8th, 1806. 

The North American Review (Vol. 49) says: 

*That there was really a double plot seems hardly deniable. ***** 
***** This double plot was characteristic of Burr. He found in the 
west he had to deal with a decided attachment to the Union and the ad- 

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126 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

ministration of Jefferson. In order to get over this he gave out among 
those to be affected by it that his project was only against Mexico and that 
that in this he was promised both the cooperation of the British and American 
governments while to his more intimate associates he breathed a spirit 
nothing short of utter contempt and enmity to the institutions of the United 
States themselves." 

Wilkinson's opinion, formed from Burr's and Dayton's letters 
and from Swarthout's statements, was strengthened by other news 
of Buir's intended descent with his forces to New Orleans, which 
all agree was Burr's prospective destination. Now none of the words 
I have read noted that the route then to Mexico coming down via 
the Mississippi River from the Ohio was to turn westward when 
Red River was reached and ascend that river to Natchitoches and 
then to proceed westward over land to Texas. 

New Orleans was then, and is now, flanked on both the east 
and west by impenetrable marshes too soft for foot soldiers to march 
in, for at least fifty miles. There is no pretence that Burr had then 
any fleet at New Orleans to transport his troops by sea to Mexico. 
To have come down to New Orleans, 208 miles below the mouth of 
Red River, and then to have ascended against the current back to 
Red River would have added to his trip at least five hundred miles. 
Besides this. If Burr expected aid from Wilkinson, he then knew 
that Wilkinson and his forces were already near the banks of the 
Sabine at the Texas border. 

Jefferson declared that Burr's real intention, was to capture 
New Orleans and to loot the banks there, to furnish the funds to fit 
out his expedition. It is also claimed that Daniel Clark, was an 
accessory, and was himself to advance fifty thousand dollars to Burr, 
but as shown hereafter, Clark while devoted to Burr, had little cash 
money about that time. 

Now if Adair was right and Wilkinson wrong in their respective 
surmises as to Burr's intentions, when Burr was arrested at Bayou 
Pierre coming down the Mississippi River, and released under bond 
at Washington, Miss., why did he then seek refuge in flight? The 
Good Book says, **The wicked flee when no man pursueth." No 
man was pursuing Burr at that time. He had a powerful coterie of 
friends both in the west and at New Orleans, including the powerful 
Edward Livingston, subsequently one of his lawyers. Yet Burr not 
only fled, but he fled in disguise and under an assumed name. A re- 
ward of $2,000 was offered for his arrest, and he 
was arrested on February the 9th, 1807, while working his way 
eastward to Spanish Florida through the woods near Wakefield, 
Alabama. He was later taken to Richmond for trial. 

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General James Wilkinson 127 

He attempted again to escape on his way to Richmond, and ap- 
pealed to bystanders for help. 

In McCaleb's book on Aaron Burr, which is largely a defense of 
the latter, the excuse is given for this flight, that Burr might have 
feared violence at the hands of Wilkinson. Burr had then been re- 
leased by the Judges on $5,000.00 bail, was not under confinement, 
and was being then made the object of much hospitality and atten- 
tion. The great Henry Clay, his former attorney, Andrew Jackson, 
and a host of others, were his friends and no one would have dared 
to do him violence. None of the calumniators of Wilkinson have 
ever charged that he was an assassin. The real truth was that Burr 
feared his person would be demanded in other jurisdictions where 
better proof could be, had against him than in Mississippi, and there- 
fore, he forfeited his bail and fled. 

In the report of the proceedings published in the Louisiana 
Gazette of Friday February 27th, 1807, (now in the City Hall, New 
Orleans) the Attorney-General Poindexter stated to the court, that 
imder the depositions on file against Burr, the Court had no juris- 
diction. "He further observed, that in order to procure the public 
safety, the Territorial Judges ought inmiediately to convey the 
accused to a tribunal competent to try and punish him (if guilty of 
the charges against him) which they might legally do** 

To thus Burr objected. In consequence of this view of the 
Attorney General, no indictments were presented for the Grand 
Jury to act on, and the Grand Jury was later discharged after stating 
they had no presentments to make against Burr, etc. The question 
then was whether the court should cancel the bond and discharge 
Burr when they discharged the Grand Jury, or hold him on his bond 
subject to prosecution in another jurisdiction. 

Burr's former discharge in Kentucky had not prevented the 
later expedition down the Mississippi River and the court, though at 
first divided, refused to cancel Burr's bond; hence his flight. 

It is remarkable that every attack on Wilkinson harks back to 
Daniel Clark, the friend of Burr, or to the attorneys for Burr. As 
was truthfully said by Jefferson in his letter to Wilkinson, on June 
21st, 1807, "But it was soon apparent that the clamorous were only 
the criminal endeavoring to turn the public attention from them- 
selves, and their leader upon any other object." 

Burr and his friends, with lawyers hired in almost every large 
city, to act as his "claquers," were doing their utmost to prove that 
this prosecution was instigated by Wilkinson. 

One query repeated in the Louisiana Gazette of April 31st, 1807, 

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128 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

as published in the "Aurora" shortly previous, seems pertinent. 
If, as contended by Clark and a host of Burr's friends and attorneys, 
Wilkinson was suspected or known as a venal mercenary of the 
Spanish crown since 1794, why do they claim he was to hold so prom- 
inent a position in their own anti-Spanish movement, and why was 
no open attack made on him until forces under his command had 
crushed Burr. "No thief ere felt the halter draw, with good opinion 
of the law." 

As to Burr's pretensions, Jefferson delcared that Burr had forged 
a letter from Dezabom, Secretary of War, endorsing his scheme, to 
get western men to join his expedition. 

In the Louisiana Gazette, March 8th, 1807, is published a three 
column deposition containing the full details of Burr's plot as explain- 
ed by Burr himself to the deponent. General William Eaton, which 
deposition Eaton declares was forwarded in substance to the Presi- 
dent by him in September or October, 1806, which was about two 
months before Wilkinson's letter to the latter was received. Mr. 
Eaton testified that when Burr told him Wilkinson was to be his 
Lieutenant, **I replied, Wilkinson will be a Lieutenant to no man in 
existence." Mr. Eaton testified that he believed his reference to 
Wilkinson was '*an artful argument of deduction." 

Burr was utterly unworthy of belief. 

In a criticism of Davis' Memoirs of Burr, the North American 
Review, Vol. 49 (1839), p. 155 said: 

"Washington was so distrustful of Burr that he rejected the recom- 
mendation of his friends to make him minister to Paris declaring he had no 
confidence in his integrity." 

This dislike Burr cordially returned since, "From the day of 
Burr's resignation from the revolutionary army to the day of his 
death he never failed to speak of Washington save in terms of dis- 
paragement," (same article) (p. 168.) 

Henry Clay, formerly deceived by Burr's former protestations 
of innocence, refused to shake hands with the latter, when he met 
him in the Federal court house in New York, after his return from 
Europe (Part on 's Life of Burr). 

On October 6th, 1806, two days before Wilkinson in far off 
Louisiana had received Burr's letter, the citizens of Wood county, 
Virginia, held a mass meeting and denounced Burr's intended expe- 
dition and called for troops to suppress it. Resolutions were there 
adopted and sent to the President and published in many news- 

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General James Wilkinson 129 

The Monongahela Gazette published these resolutions on Octo- 
ber 16th, 1806, and that publication was republished in the Louis- 
iana Gazette of December 26th, 1806. 

Wilkinson's letter in November was merely a confirmation of 
Jefferson's previous advices. 

Jefferson in his message to Congress on January 22nd, 1807, 
said that he knew over two months before he received Wilkinson's 
letter, on November 25th, 1806, of Burr's preparations, and he had 
in the latter part of October, sent a confidential agent to the Ohio 
to keep him thoroughly posted. Jefferson stated that firom the 
information there gathered and Wilkinson's letter he became con- 
vinced that Burr's object **was to seize on New Orleans, plimder the 
bank there, possess himself of the military and naval stores and to 
proceed on his expedition to Mexico." ********** After 
stating the steps taken and the orders given to coimteract Burr's 
designs, Jefferson said to Congress, "A little before the receipt of 
these orders in the State of Ohio, our confidential agent, who had been 
dtltgenily employed* tn tmesitgattng the conspiracy, had acquired 
sufficient information to open himself to the Governor of that State, 
and to apply for the immediate exertion of the authority and power 
of the State to crush the combination." 

"Governor Tiffin, and the legislature, with a promptitude 
energy, and patriotic zeal, which entitle them to a distinguished 
place in the affection of their sister States, effected^ seizure of all the 
boats, provisions and other preparations withm their reach; and thus 
gave a first blow, materially disabling the enterprise at its outset.*' 

The President stated to Congress how Kentucky and Tennessee 
had al^ aided him in putting down the Burr expedition, and when 
McCalA, and other Burr historians, declare, that the 135 patriots 
who came down with Burr were too petty a force to warrant Wil- 
kinson's alarming disptaches, they fail to note that but for the prompt- 
ness with which Jefferson and the officials of Ohio and Kentucky 
acted thousands might have joined Burr's standard. 

Among the many false and exparte statements gotten up to do 
service in assailing Wilkinson was that he sent Colonel W. Burling 
down to the Vice-Roy of Mexico with a letter stating all the details 
of the Burr expedition and demanding over $100,000 for his services 
in preventing the invasion of Mexico. 

Daniel Clark had less than a year before returned from a visit 
to the Vice-Roy of Mexico and the Spanish officers generally dis- 
liked Wilkinson so much that they would have been willing, at the 

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130 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

fcnmer Spaniard, Clark's instigation, to make any statement to the 
former's discredit. 

Such a statement was no doubt instigated by Clark who could 
not use it because Burling still lived to refute it. Therefore, it was 
not brought up either in the Court of Inquiry in 1808 or m the Court 
Martial in 1811. It is however, cited in both Davis' Memoirs of 
Burr and in McCaleb's work and in Clark's **Proofs." 

Any visit of Burling to Vera Cruz late in 1806 must have been 
made at Jefferson's suggestion since later on January 3rd, 1807, the 
President wrote Wilkinson that he was anxious as to the safety of 
Vera Cruz which a French or English fleet could capture. 

"You may expect further information as we receive it." 

I prefer on this matter to take the sworn evidence of Colonel 
W. Burling, dated November 9th, 1807, and offered before the 
Court of Inquiry in 1808, within less than a year after the latter's 
return from Vera Cruz, rather than a suspicious improbable and im- 
swom statement from one of the most corrupt- Spanish rulers that 
ever disgraced Mexico, concerning an alleged letter from Wilkinson, 
and two other unsworn statements, deposited many years later, 
with one of Burr's former attorneys. 

Colonel Burling after testifying to the prominent part he had 
taken in the agreement between the American and Spanish forces in 
the fall of 1806, concludes, **The following morning (November 3rd, 
1806), the Inspector Viana came to our camp, when the agreement 
was made which removed our difficulties for that time; and shortly 
after the General, leaving the troops under the command of Colonel 
Cushing, set off for Natchitoches whither I accompanied him. After 
a short stay at this place we proceeded to Natchez, where I took leave 
oj htm as a public man, nor have I since that period had any communt- 
cation with htm of a public nature'' 

**I take this occasion to declare in the most solemn manner, 
that m all General Wilkinson's transactions, until I left him to follow 
my private pursuits, he appeared to have no other object m view than 
the faithful performance of his duty. ********♦' Wilkinson's 
Memoirs, Vol. 2, App. XCVII. 

To show to what lengths in vituperation, the dironiclers of that 
time, have gone, Davis, in his memoirs of Burr, Vol. 2, p. 400, says: 

* 'Accordingly after the trial of Burr at Richmond General Wilkinson 
despatched Capt. Walter Burling bis aid to demand oi the Vice-Roy of 
Mexico the repayment of his expenditures and compensations for his ser- 
vices to Spain in defeating Burr's expedition against Mexico. The modesty 
of this demand being about tuo hundred thousand dollars is worthy oi notice. 

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General James Wilkinson 131 

Following this statement is what purports to be a copy of an 
act of deposit by Richmond Raynal Keene, an ex-Spanish officer, 
then attorney in New Orleans, before William Y. Lewis, former 
attorney of Burr, ahd then Notary, dated December 24th, 1836. 

The documents so deposited were two unsworn statements, one 
dated 1816, purporting to be from the former wife of Vice-Roy 
Iturrigary, and the other, in 1821, from an Irish-Spanish priest at 
Salamanca, and both containing an account of how Wilkinson de- 
manded through Walter Burling, his aid, over $200,000 from Iturri- 
gary for his expenses and as a reward for frustrating the Burr invasion 
of Mexico. 

I have searched the Notarial archives of New Orleans for these 
docimients, but find the records of Notary Lewis, up to 1840 were 
burnt during hts hfe, aud that these docimients were never deposited 

The animus of the author of this deposit is easily explained. 
This Richard Raynal Keene, was much embittered against both 
Wilkinson and Claiborne; against the former for charging in 1807 
that he was a confederate of Burr and against the latter for making 
affidavit that he had gone to Jamaica to obtain a British Naval 
force to aid Burr. Though the charge by Wilkinson was withdrawn 
in the Louisiana Gazette of September 1st, 1807, Keene never for- 
gave him. These Keene statements are not only unsworn to, but no 
evidence of their authenticity is attached to them and for aught to 
the contrary, they were manufactured in New Orleans. 

It is more than improbable that the particulars of a letter re- 
ceived and destroyed on its receipt by Iturrigary, as he states, in 
1807, should have been remembered for so many years by third 
parties whom it did not concern and who were passing through such 
tearful trials and reverses as the former vice-roy and his house-hold 
suffered after 1808. 

Not only this, but the uncontradicted facts show, as stated by 
McCaleb in his work on Burr, (pp. 165 to 169), that Burling left 
Natchez on this mission for Mexico on November 17th, 1806, that he 
went westward overland to Vera Cruz reaching there January 20th, 
1807, and returned by sea in February. From the time Burling left 
Wilkinson on November 14th, 1806, until the latter reached Vera 
Cruz, and saw Iturrigary, January 20th, 1807, Wilkinson had no 
opportimity to communicate with Burling. Now the Burr trials did 
not begin until Jime, 1807. 

The Burr expedition did not come down the river and Burr was 
not arrested until January 15th, 1807. The projected invasion of 

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132 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Mexico by Burr was neither fiiistrated or defeated for nearly two 
months after the mission of Burling to Mexico began, therefore, on 
its face, any such demand by Wilkinson for defeating, what had then 
never existed, would have been ridiculous and preposterous. 

I am inclined to believe that as Wilkinson was making all the 
preparation and getting all the assistance possible; as the United 
States forces, their forts, their cannon and anmiimition were weak 
and in a wretched condition, he may have warned Iturrigary of the 
projected invasion and asked Mexico's financial aid, just as the 
United States once tendered her financial aid to help Carranza wipe 
out Villa. But from a careful examination, I am inclined to believe 
that there was a thorough imderstanding between Iturrigary and 
Burr's friends and that the news brought by Burling was a dis- 
appointment to the most disreputable and" treacherous ruler that 
Mexico has ever known, and consequently he did all he could to 
discredit Wilkinson. 

Davis in his memoirs of Burr 2nd Volimie, p. 382, says, "On 
the suggestion of Wilkinson, Mexico was twtce visited by Daniel 
Clark." (The letters from Clark and Wilkinson, both before and 
after Clark's trip, show Wilkinson did not know what the object of 
Clark's visit was, and they had not seen each other at all during 
the year 1806). 

Parton, says. Vol. 2, p. 45: "My own impression, after reading 
all the procurable documents, is, that neither Clark or Wilkinson 
were really embarked in Burr's Mexican scheme: though both up 
to a certain point may have favored it." 

Davis continues, "He (Clark) held conferences and effected, 
arrangements with many of the principal militia officers who engaged 
to favor the revolution. The Catholic Bishop, resident at New 
Orleans, was also consulted, and prepared to promote the enterprise. 
He designated three priests as suitable agents, and they were accord- 
ingly employed. The Bishop was an intelligent and social man. 
He had been in Mexico and spoke with great freedom of the dissatis- 
faction of the Clergy in South America. Madame Xavier Tyurcon, 
Superior of the convent of Ursuline Nuns, was in the secret. Some 
of the sisterhood were also employed in Mexico. So far as any de- 
cision had been formed, the landing was to have been effected at 

Clark in his "Proofs of the Corruption of General Wilkinson," 
page 94, says: 

"On the 11th of September 1805 I purchased a ship called the Caroline 
and prepared her for the voyage. I embarked in her with a cargo amounting 

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General James Wilkinson 133 

to $105 000 and sailed for La Vera Cruz. I remained there about two months 
and then returned to New Orleans leaving behind me about $56 000. In 
February I made a second voyage to La Vera Cruz with the double view of 
bringing back the funds before left there and of disposing of the cargo of 
the ship Patty which was to follow me in a few days with a cam> amount- 
ing to $55 000. I effected both these objects leaving at Vera Cruz about 
$40 000 which I did not receive till the next year." 

The story of Clark's second Mexican trip in February, 1806, is 
true. In his letter of September 7th, 1805, to Wilkinson (Memoirs 
Appendix 23), Clark says, "I am on the point of setting off to Vera 
Cruz." *********** My return will be in three or four 
months." In this letter Clark desired Wilkinson to look aftervertain 
of his land titles in his absence. He left on his second trip February 
9th, 1806. As soon as he returned, in a letter dated New Orleans 
April 14/A, 1806, (Memoirs Appendix 73), Clark wrote Wilkinson, 
"I wrote you in the month of August of last year, enclosing plots 
and titles of simdry tracts of land. **********Be pleased 
to dissipate my fears by giving me some information on the subject. 
**********! have been since I last wrote to you, m the 
land of promise, but what is more I have gotten safe from it, after 
having been represented to the Vice-Roy, as a person dangerous to 
the Spanish government." 

This shows that Clark when he left New Orleans for Vera Cruz 
in September, 1805, intended to stay about four months. He did 
stay on both trips five months. 

In the deposition of Daniel W. Coxe, partner of Danie) Clark, 
against Wilkinson, dated June 13th, 1808, the former swore that 
late in 1806, the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, (the Spanish minister) 
"jestingly observed to me, that he imderstood Mr. Clark was going to 
Vera Cruz and was intimate with Burr when at New Orleans, I im- 
mediately wrote Mr. Clark (which was about the end of the year 
1805), and advised him to have nothing to do with Burr. 

The following is an extract of Clark's letter to me: 

'New Orleans February 6th 1806. 
My dear Friend 

I received this day your favor of the 20th of December by post and I 
thank you for the information contained in the private enclosure. Be 
pleased to assure the respectable person who informed you I was closely con- 
nected with Colonel Biur that he has been much imposed on in this parti- 
cular. That I never was acquainted with him until he came last summer 
to New Orleans and that I neither was or could be mad enough to attach 
myself to a man of desperate fortunes whose stay among us did not exceed 
a fortnight. ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ What in God's name have I to expect 
or could I hope from Col. Burr. And is it probable I should commit my 
fortime and perhaps reputation at my period of life to commit follies for 
him? ****** *^ **' 

This short extract of Clark's longer letter shows it was written 
for the Spanish Minister's consumption. Such a declaration was 

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134 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

certainly necessary for one then under suspicion setting sail again 
for Vera Cruz three days later, in the William Wright." 

Reading between the lines of this letter, written months before 
knowledge of Burr's plans came to public light from any one, it 
showed Clark then knew how "mad and desperate" Burr's plans 
really were, and that they were enough to cause any one to risk his 
^'fortune and reputation." On May 19th, 1806, some three months 
later, Clark was elected to Congress from Orleans Territoy . The man 
who was such a patriot, that he had in 1802, tried to ruin Wilkinson's 
reputation with forged documents with the President, while the 
country he lived in was under Spanish rule, when a prominent federal 
officer, never once, gave the government warning about Burr, and 
every political friend and associates he had, when the arrest of Burr 
and his friends occurred, rallied to the support of that **bad" **des- 
perate" adventurer, for whom it would have been so foolish "to 
risk one's fortune or reputation." 

Now these appear to have been the first and last ventures of 
Clarjc at Vera Cruz. 

In his "Proofs," Clark says: 

"By the letter of the Spanish commercial laws all trade was prohi- 
bited to her colonies except it be carried on by natives or naturalized resi- 
dents. This rule was first relaxed under the administration of the Baron 
• de Carondelet." 

Iturrigary was later condemned by the Residencia to restore 
nearly a half million dollars, part of which, was for goods illegally 
shipped into Vera Cruz. Therefore, Clark, if he shipped goods to 
Mexico, of which he adduces no proof whatever, had to stand in with 
the Vice-Roy. He went there on his two visits shortly after Burr left 
Orleans and stayed there five months. He also admits he saw the 

Historians have' all failed to notice the curious coincidences 
between the careers of Burr and Iturrigary of Mexico. The former 
was a Vice-President, the latter a Vice-Roy. The former was ar- 
rested in 1807, and the latter in 1808, for high treason and other 
crimes. Both urged technical defenses. Both gave bond to appear. 
Burr for five thousand dollars, the latter a $40,000 cash deposit 
bond. Both fled. Iturrigary to Africa. Both returned to die in their 
native land, Iturrigary, after pardon. 

Bancroft in his History of Mexico says, p. 22: 

**Iturrigary's appointment as the 56th vice-roy of Mexico was 
due to Godoy." **Iturrigary's first act on taking possession was to 
defraud the crown by illegally importing a cargo of merchandise into 

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General James Wilkinson 135 

Vera Cruz which netted him 119,125 Pesos. This fraud was thS first 
of many serious charges proven against him in his Residencia, of which 
an account will be given later." 

* 'Moreover he at once began a system of a sale of employments 
on his own account and established for his benefit an impost on 
quicksilver, by which he unjustly secured to himself large benefits. 
Other frauds were perpetrated in contracts for paper used in the 
government cigar factories, the contractors charging fictitious prices 
and paying a bonus to Dona Ines {wife of the vtce-ioy)*' (pp. 23 and 24). 
On pages 25, 26, 27, the historians states that by other corrupt 
methods the vice-roy gained enormous wealth. 

"The Spanish government involved, under Godoy's rule, in 
political difficulties corruption and extravagance and harassed by 
the exorbitant demands of Napoleon * * * * decreed by royal order 
of December 26th, 1804, to sequester all the real estate belonging to 
benevolent institutions. ********** j^ order to stim- 
ulate the zeal of the functionaries and to make these sequestrations 
more productive they were allowed a percentage of the sale. Such 
an incentive with men like Iturrigary, left little hope for the people; 
and great was the clamor among all classes, especially the clergy. 
********** Subsequently all corporate property was 
taken, deposits of all kinds even money designed to ransom prisoners; 
never had royal license to fleece the colonists been more barefaced 
never had the robbery of a people by its rulers been piore merciless 
and infamous. **********- 

'The. merciless rigor with which the vice-roy executed every 
oppressive decree and the fact that he and a host of officials profited 
by the ruin of others, gained him the odium of the sufferers." (p. 31). 

"More and more urgent (in 1805) were the appeals to the V tee- 
Roy for Mexican stiver and gold, Iturrigary seems in every respect 
equal to the emergency. The colonists are made to bleed." 

"From corporations, from the clergy and from private individ- 
uals, thirteen millions of dollars are secured at this juncture, and 
shipped in four frigates, some five millions more being retained for 
later transportation. To make up this amount he (Iturrigary) has 
not only seized any deposits, however sacred, he could lay his hands 
on, and forced money from the poor, but he has resorted to a swindling 
system of lotteries," (p. 32). 

"In 1801, Philip Nolan (Wilkinson's friend) makes an incursion 
into Mexican territory as far as Neuvo Santander and under the 
pretext of purchasing horses erects some forts. He is however, at- 
tacked and slain." (p. 33). 

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136 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

'*When the news was received of the victory of Lord Nelson at 
Trafalgar over the French and Spaniards in 1805, Iturrigary be- 
lieved Vera Cruz would be attacked." (Bancroft 35). 

In 1808, Iturrigary was suspected of treasonable designs. "But 
Iturrigary is a coward and hypocrite — a man not the best either for 
a traitor or patriot. He has no thought of self sacrifice; on the 
contrary should he make Mexico free, he must be well paid for tt. 

On the 19th of July, 1808, an address was presented to Iturrigary 
asking him to become the ruler of Mexico. To this he assented. 

On September 14th, 1808, Iturrigary was arrested and deposed 
and on the 6th of December, 1808, was taken on the ship San Justo 
to Cadiz. * There impeached for treason and accused of extortion 
and mal-administration, he awaited trial." His trial began in Aug- 
ust, 1809, but was later su^)ended, and he was required to give a 
deposit of 40,000 pesos for bond. In October, 1810, the new regency 
ordered that he be re-arrested and his trial be proceeded with. He 
then fled to Africa. On the 26th of November, 1811, he was allowed 
the benefit of the general pardon. In the residencia in Mexico the 
late vice-roy was condemned to pay $435,413. On appeal this 
decree was afl&rmed by the council of the Indies in February, 1819, 
and later by the supreme tribunal of justice. 

In 1821 Dona Ines, Iturrigary's wulow went to Mesdco after tts 
declaration of independence, and claimed "the vice-roy had been the 
first promoter of independence and had fallen a victim to the cause,'' and 
she succeeded so well in proving this, that she recovered $400,000 of 
the nioney, the formier vice-roy had been condemned to pay. (Ban- 
croft p. 62). 

It would therefore seem, that if Iturrigary was one of the first 
promoters of independence in Mexico, prior to 1808, he must have 
been a party to the Burr conspiracy of which that independence was 
one of the main objects. General Eaton testified that Burr in his 
declaration to him said he had influential agents in Mexico. 

But the record shows that bpth Iturrigary and his wife were 
first class frauds; that they were the devoted slaves of royalty, while 
in Spain, yet leading patriots of independence in Mexico, when nioney 
was to be gotten by it. 

What sweet scented specimens they were, to convict an American 
on their imswom statements. 

On his visits to the West in 1805 and 1806, Burr spent thrice 
as much time with Andrew Jackson as he did with any other man. 
Jackson could abide no equal or superior and either envied or hated 

Digitized by 


General James Wilkinson 137 

Wilkinson. Jackson necessarily knew more than Wilkinson did of 
Burr's plans. 

On November 12th, 1806, Jackson wrote to Governor Clai- 
borne, ********** 

"Put your town in a state of defense organize your militia and defend 
your dty as well against internal as external enemies. My knowledge 
does not extend so far as to go into detail but I fear you will meet with an 
attack from quarters you do not expect. Be upon the alert; keep a tvatch- 
ful eye on your general and beware of an attack on your own country as 
from Spain. I fear there is something rotten in the state of Denmark. You 
have enemies within your own city that may try to subvert your govern- 
ment and try to separate it from the Union. You know I never hazard ideas 
without good grounds; You will keep these hints to yourself. But I say again 
be on the alert; your government I fear is in danger . I fear there are plans on 
foot inimical to the Union, whether they will be attempted to be carried into 
effect or not I cannot say but rest assured they are in operation or I calcu- 
late boldly. Beware of the month of December. I'love my country and govern- 
ment; I hate the Dons; / would delight to see Mexico reduced', but I will die 
in the last ditch before I would yield a foot to the Dons or see the Union 
disunited; this / write for your own eye and for your own safety. Profit by 
it and the Ides of March remember. With sincere respect I am as usual, 
your sincere friend Andrew Jackson. 

A very cursory reading of this letter shows that Jackson knew 
Burr's intentions as to Mexico, and feared he would also attack New 
Orleans and dismember the Union. He knew even the month that 
Burr intended to descend, and did descend, the Mississippi with his 
ei^)edition, yet he disclosed nothing beyond an insinuation to beware 
of Wilkinson's treachery, the man he hated. He declares and re- 
peats the "government is in danger" — *'the imion is in danger," yet 
says nothing about it to the President, the head of the nation, and 
bids Governor Claiborne "Keep these hints to yourself." 

Contrast his conduct with that of the man he suspected, who 
informed the President, informed Governor Claiborne, and took the 
most active step to arrest the conspirators as soon as he knew of the 
conspiracy. The foes of Wilkinson declare he acted the despot at 
New Orleans. Judge Workman was in league with Burr's friends, 
and was releasing them as fast as he could, yet Wilkinson's conduct 
on that occasion was not one-tenth part as arbitrary, as Jackson's 
was, later in New Orleans, if Judge Martin is to be believed. 

In fact after peace was declared, and after Judge Hall, im- 
prisoned by Jackson, had been released on the President's proclama- 
tion, and after Jackson had been fined by Judge Hall, which fine was 
taken out of the United States coffers and returned by Congress, 
thus endorsing Jackson's course, Jackson again denounced Judge 
Hall. Martin (p. 410) says. Hall replied, "Judge Hall knows full 
well how easy it is for one with the influence and patronage of General 
Jackson to proctu-e certificates and affidavits. He knows that men 

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138 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

usurping authority have their delators and spies, and that in the 
sunshine of dictatorial power swarms of miserable creatures are 
rapidly changed into the shape of buzzing reformers; Judge Hall 
declares he has at no time made the statements he is charged with 
making by General Jackson and challenges him to his proof." This 
proof Jackson never attempted. 

McCaleb says, (p. 86) : 

'Though Burr failed, history emphatically shows his plans 
were opportune, and that their wreck was due to influences he had 
properly failed to estimate and chiefly to the conduct of Wilkinson. 

McCaleb in his work on Burr, declares that Blannerhasett 
stated he had sued Andrew Jackson for a due bill or note the latter 
had given Burr for over one thousand dollars borrowed money. 
Patton says Jackson followed Burr to Richmond and there, "har- 
angued a crowd from the steps of a comer grocery for Burr and damn- 
ing Jefferson as his prosecutor." Parton on Burr 2 Vol., p. 105) (. 

He further states that it was Burr in 1815 who first suggested 
Jackson for the Presidency. (2nd Vol. 256). 

When Jackson became president in 1829, he gave Samuel Swart- 
hout. Burr's man Friday, the New York coUectorship, one of the best 
offices in his gift. (Parton 2 Vol. 280). 

Burr, however, presimiing on Jackson's strong friendship, tried 
to get the administration of the latter to allow him one hundred thous- 
and dollars for his expenses and services in the revolutionary war, 
and in order to get this through, agreed to give a young lawyer, 
then courting the daughter of Jackson's secretary, and holding office 
in that department ten thousand dollars to have this claim allowed, 
Jackson declared it a piece of rascality and this claim was rejected. 
Parton 2nd, pp. 281-2. 

To show how na'fety and vituperative the partisans of Burr's 
supporters were I quote an excerpt of Judge Workman's public 
crticism of Claiborne's address to the legislature, published in the 
Louisiana Gazette of April 10th, 1807. Thus, 

'There is not extant such a monimient of impudence, vanity 
and falsehood as the speech from which those extracts are taken." 

'The poor dog may continue to wear and display the feathers 
which I chartitably gave him to clothe his tmfledged miserable tail, 
but he shall not steal any of the plimies which I have appropriated 
for my own use and ornament." 

Such nice, dignified language from a judge to the Governor was 
typical of the time. 

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General James Wilkinson 139 

The letters produced by me from Governor Claiborne show, 
that before the Burr trial came on, and even before his indictment, 
the friends of Burr and enemies of Wilkinson were doing all they 
could to aid the former and injure the latter. 

Burr was represented at Richmond by five able lawyers, Edmund 
Randolph, John Wickham, Benjamin Botts, John Baker and Luther 
Martin, the last named being the celebrated lawyer who had just 
successfully defended Judge Chase. Burr had lawyers all over the 
country. He was represented in New Orleans by the leading firm of 
Livingston and Alexander and at Natchez by Hardin, of that bar. 
Daniel W. Coxe testified before the court of inquiry in 1808 that 
William Lewis was Burr's attorney in Philadelphia. Burr also had 
powerful friends who were most active in his behalf. Evidently 
money for him was not lacking. In the four Claiborne letters, that I 
now produce, it will be seen that General Adair came all the way . 
from Kentucky, before Burr was indicted, and spent weeks in New 
Orleans hunting up evidence against Wilkinson, and as he left there to 
go to Richmond, we can take for granted that such evidence was to 
be used to impeach Wilkinson and help Burr. 

As Wilkinson was the most important witness against Burr, 
the lawyers of the latter directed their fire against him, even before 
Burr was indicted. Wilkinson had hardly landed from the vessel 
that brought him when Burr's counsel prayed for an attachment 
him for contempt on the ground that he had kidnapped Lindsay and 
against Knox, two of the witnesses of the government against Burr, and 
had brought them to Richmond on his ship. They further charged 
that Wilkinson had tried to bribe Knox to testify against Burr. 
There are numerous cases where men have been accused with trying 
to keep witnesses away from Court, but this is the first case ever 
heard of where an attack was made on a man for bringing state 
witnesses to Court. 

This trial for an attachment for contempt of court took four 
days and is reported in full in Robertson's Trial of Burr (1st Volume, 
pp. 258 to 390). The result was Wilkinson's complete vindication 
and acquittal. The friends of Burr have attacked Jefferson as the 
prosecutor of Burr, the friends of Jefferson and Jefferson himself 
have attacked Judge Marshall as leaning to Burr, but both Jefferson 
and Marshall held that Wilkinson had done his full duty in the Bun- 
affair by his country. 

The statements of a witness that traveled from Kentucky to 
New Orleans to hunt up testimony against Wilkinson, and thence to 
Richmond, about twenty five hundred miles, and was, as Claiborne 

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140 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

says, abusing Wilkinson while hunting for such testimony, does. not 
show that General Adair was an impartial chronicler. 

One thing is certain that the attorneys for the defense of Burr 
were engaged in ransacking the coimtry to procure evidence of some 
kind against Wilkinson and seem to have foimd nothing to his dis- 
credit. The defense of Burr was a technical one and his case went 
off on the plea that he had not actually waged war against the United 
States. The friends of Burr seem to have missed the point, that, 
but for the arrest of Burr by th^ forces under Wilkinson, this defense 
might not have availed Burr, and th^ stopping of his expedition in 
time by Wilkinson, may have saved Burr, and at the same time other 
persons, their lives. 

But not only were the attorneys of Burr ready to seize on every 
pretext to attack Wilkinson, but his bitter enemy, John Randolph 
was the foreman of the Grand Jury that indicted Burr and a number 
of his supporters, and was also anxious to indict Wilkinson. The in- 
dictments against Burr and his friends were returned into Court on 
Jime 24th, 1807, while the rule against Wilkinson was being tried. 
On the same day I cite what then occurred from "Robertson's trial 
of Burr," (Volume 1, pages 356 to 359.) 

"While Mr. Hay was speaking the Grand Jury entered and their 
foreman Mr. Randolph addressed the court to the following effect: "May 
it please the Court the Grand Jury have been informed that there is m the 
possession of Aaron Burr a certain letter with the post mark May the 13th, 
from James Wilkinson in ciphers which they may deem to be material to 
certain inquiries now pending before them. The Grand Jury are perfectly 
aware that they have no ri^t to demand any evidence from the prisoner 
imder prosecution which may tend to criminate himself. But the Grand 
Jury have thought proper to appear in Court to ask its assistance if it tliinks 
proper to want it to obtain the letter with his consent." 

"Mr. Burr declared that it would be impossible for him under certain 
circumstances to expose any letter which had been communicated to him 
confidentially; how far the extremity of circumstances niight impd him 
to such a conduct he was not prepared to decide; but it was impossible 
for him even to deliberate on the proposition to deliver up something which 
had been confided to his honor; unless it was extorted from him by law." 

Thus the court was given to understand that Burr then had this 
letter, and that his refusal to produce it was dictated by the most 
pimctilious sense of honor that would not permit him to not do any- 
thing that would injure the writer of the letter. 

At the same time Burr's refusal was an undercut at Wilkinson, 
who, believing that no such privilege applied as a protection for illegal 
acts, had produced before the Grand Jury Burr's letters to him. 
Forttmately for Wilkinson he learned of Burr's declaration, atid 
District Attorney McRae at his request made the following statement 
in open court, "The Grand Jury has asked for a certain letter in ciphers 

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General James Wilkinson 141 

which was supposed to have been addressed by General Wilkinson 
to the accused. The court had understood the ground on which the 
accused had refused to put it in their possession to be an apprehen- 
sion lest his honor should be wounded by thus betraying matters of 
confidence. I have seen General Wilkinson since this declaration 
was made, and the General* had expressed his wishes to me, and re- 
quested me to express these wishes, that the whole of the correspondence 
between Aaron Burr and himself be exhibited to this court. The accused 
has now therefore, a fair opportunity of producing this letter; he is 
absolved from all possible imputation; his honor is perfectly safe." 

(Mr. Burr): 'The court will probably expect from me some 
reply. The communication which I made to the court, has led, it 
seems to the present invitation, I have only to say sir, this letter will 
not be produced. The letter is not at this time in my possession 
and General Wilkinson knows it." 

Burr stated afterwards to the court that he had given this 
letter to a third party. Who that party was, or whether it was one of 
his coimsel, he did not say, but thou^ challenged by Wilkinson to 
produce this letter he dared not do so. 

But more than this, after Burr's acquittal for treason and all 
serious danger to him was over; when he was put on trial for mis- 
demeanor only, Wilkinson gave his evidence which is quoted ver- 
batim in the issues of the Louisiana Gazette from November 13th, 
to December 11th, 1807, In this testimony Burr's coimsel cross 
examined Wilkinson as to this letter dated May 13th, and post- 
marked May 18th, the contents of which Wilkinson stated he could 
not remember. Counsel for the government thereupon declared 
that as this letter was in the possession of Burr or his counsel, and the 
same was the best evidence it should be produced or at least, the same 
should be shown to refresh the memory of the witness. This was not 
done. Finally on Saturday, October 9th, 1807 (as published in Gazette 
of December 11th): 

"General Wilkinson having been informed there were no more 
questions to be propounded to him, addressed the Judge as follows: 
"Upon a former occasion you will recollect sir, that reference was 
made to a certain letter, of which so much has been said. That letter 
is designated by the words said to be used in it, "Yours postmarked 
the 18th. of May has been received." Yet that letter has been with- 
held imder the pretext of delicacy; while we have seen it employed in 
the most artful and insidious manner to injure my reputation and 
tarnish my fame. Sir, I demand the production of that letter. I 
hope the reputation acquired by nearly 30 years of service is not to 

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1 42 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

be filched frCm me by the subtlety, artifice or fraud of Colonel Burr 
and his counsel ********** The letter postmarked the 
18th of May, has often been mentioned and has been used to injure 
my character and envelop it in doubt and suspicion. This letter if 
written at all, must have been written in answer to one received 
from Colonel Burr. Why has it not been produced? / challenge its 
production. ********** i have no hesitation in saying 
that the declarations of that gentleman (pointing to Col. Burr) 
that he had put the letter beyond his power, and with my knowledge, 
is totally destitute of the truth." 

All this Burr's historians have suppressed. 

The rule is well settled, that where one man seeks to introduce 
evidence and another suppresses it, the strongest presimiptions are 
in favor of the former and against the latter. 

The change made in a copy of the cipher letter of Burr of Octo- 
ber 8th, was made by Mr. A. L. Duncan, an attorney on whom 
Wilkinson had called for advice before he left New Orleans, and this 
was testified to by Duncan at Wilkinson's trial four years later. 
(Wilkinson's memoirs, Volume 2nd, pp. 332 to 335). The change, 
did not affect Burr to the slightest extent, but was of course seized 
on by Burr's attorneys to denoimce Wilkinson. 

I submit where every motive of hostility and interest was taken 
advantage of to the utmost in the Burr case aginst Wilkinson and 
where all the witnesses were then living to testify against him he 
came forth unscathed. Now when he and they are no longer here to 
speak for themselves suspicion ought not to be indulged in to wrong 
Wilkinson's memory. 

Wilkinson, while having warm friends, made powerful and bitter 
enemies. The two men who hated him most were John Randolph 
and Daniel Clark. Randolph having in 1807, attacked Wilkinson on 
the floor of the House of Representatives, the latter challenged him, 
and on Randolph's refusal to fight, posted him as a coward and 
poltroon and called attention to the fact that he had been previously 
caned by an officer of the army. 

In the Louisiana Gazette of April 3rd, 1807, is printed the fol- 
lowing editorial from the Baltimore American, *The reader will 
find in our columns yesterday the far famed speech of Mr. J. Ran- 
dolph. It is tinctured with all the bitterness which that gentleman 
never fails to mingle with his observations when he speaks of those 
whom he dislikes. It would really seem uncandid and ungenerous, 
for Mr. Randolph to treat with such inmerited severity, were it not 

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General James Wilkinson 143 

known that he entertains towards the commander-in-chief a deadly 
rancorous personal hositltty'' *******♦*♦ 

This editorial shows Mr. Randolph's great Inconsistency in 
first calling on the President to take the most 'Trompt and effica- 
cious measures for securing the imion threatened with external war 
and conspiracy and treasons," and then in assaulting Wilkinson by 
declaring the Burr conspiracy was merely **an intrigue." 

Randolph was then writhing from the result of the Chase im- 
peachment. John Randolph no doubt derived his bitter and re- 
vengeful nature from his Indian ancestry. 

His command of invective was only equalled by his ignorance 
of law and imfaimess in debate. His most famous prosecution and 
failure was that of the impeachment of the federalist United States 
Judge Chase. After Chase's acquittal, Adams, Vol. 1, p. 240, says: 

"The Northern democrats talked of Randolph with disgust and Sen- 
ator Cocke of Tennessee who voted guilty as to Chase, told his federalist 
colleagues in the senate that Randolph's vanity, ambition, insolence and dis- 
honesty, not only in the impeachment but in other matters, were such as 
to make the acquittal of Chase no subject of regret." 

Wilkinson's other greatest enemy, Daniel Clark was bom in 
Sligo, Ireland, in 1766, and was educated in England. He came to 
New Orleans on the invitation of his imcle about 1784, and succeeded 
to the latter's estate in 1799. He was 21 years old when Wilkinson 
first came to New Orleans. Untrue to the country of his birth, like 
his compatriot, Thomas Power, he became and remained a Spanish 
subject when Great Britain was at war with Spain. 

It is a coincidence that O'Reilly, who invited the Creole leaders 
in New Orleans to a banquet and then treacherously murdered 
them, and Clark, who spent so much time and effort to assasinate 
Wilkinson's good name, were both Irish-Spaniards. 

The firm of Clark and Dunn, in which the elder Clark was a 
partner, became in 1788, Wilkinson's agent in New Orleans, but ow- 
ing to overcharges by young Clark, acting for that firm Wilkinson 
in 1790, transferred his business to Philip Nolan, who then became 
Wilkinson's agent. 

The misunderstanding on Wilkinson's part was soon forgotten 
and Clark subsequently wrote Wilkinson the most fulsome letters, 
but the member from Sligo was simply biding his time to get even. 

Clark's own letters to Wilkinson, (Memoirs, 2nd Vol., Appendix 
14, 16, 17, 18, 33) show that deceit and treachery were habitual to 
him. He never did anything openly that involved any risk or blame 
to himself that he could get another to do for him. 

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144 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Even after the time that Clark was stabbing Wilkinson in the 
back by secret charges to Jefferson in 1802, he was writing AimiI 
13th, 1803, to Wilkinson, *♦♦♦♦♦*♦*♦ "i already look on 
my fortime as lost, I am careless of personal danger. Point out 
therefore a useful line of conduct for me to pursue, and rely on its 
execution. In hopes of hearing from you shortly I subscribe myself 
with esteem, dear sir, Your very humble servant, Daniel Clark." 

Among other fawning letters as late as Jime 15th, 1806, just 
after his election as a delegate to Congress, Clark wrote Wilkinson, 
********** **I would likewise thank you for your advice 
respecting the part I ought to act in Washington; what people I 
should most see; what use can be made of them; how they are to be 
acted on, etc., and I coimt on your sending me a few letters which 
will serve to introduce me to your friends, so as to procure me on 
arrival some acquaintances who will take the trouble of giving me 
information. ♦**♦♦♦♦*♦♦ Do not forget to mention to me 
the state of the land office in your coimtry ; and the state of the titles 
to lands, with the amendments you think necessary, and the land 
law." ♦♦♦♦*♦♦♦♦* 

'If you have among your books and papers, any history, maps or 
plans of your country, or this territory, let me beg of you to send them, 
and I promise you to take special care to have them returned safely. 
********** Let me hear from you, I beg without delay, 
and let me know in what can I be of service to you. Yours sincerely, 
Daniel Clark," (Wilkinson's Memoirs, 2nd Vol., App. 75). 

Again on September 27th, 1806, Clark wrote Wilkinson, after 
calling attention to the poor military condition of New Orleans. 

"I know I am entering a thorny path, and shall expect a great 
deal of trouble. I would thank you for your advice to direct me; 
and if you would give me a line to some of your friends in Congress 
disposed to favor or serve Louisiana, you would, afterwards, perhaps, 
find your account in it." (Clark's Proofs, etc., p. 156). 

Clark again wrote Wilkinson, October 2nd, 1806. (Clark's 
Proofs, p. 157): 

"Captain Turner told me you expected to see me at Natchitoches, 
I have no time to make the journey and return in time to go to the 
seat of government, and however strong the desire is of seeing 3rou 
on my part I must defer that pleasure till my return next spring." 

Yet of this writer, Daniel W. Coxe, his partner, testified at the 
trial of Wilkinson in 1811, '1 never considered Mr. Clark and General 
Wilkinson as friends, beyond mere appearances, Mr. Clark always 

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General James Wilkinson 145 

thought illy of the General on account of his Spanish connections, 
and never to me (even in confidence) uttered an opinion in his favor." 

To show the recklessness and venom that animated Clark 
against Wilkinson because the latter was indirectly the cause of pre- 
venting his bigamous marriage, in the collection of the mass ot for- 
geries and exparte affidavits Clark procured and published as his 
proofs, at his own expense and all to gratify his hatred and malice, we 
find a suppression of the truth in the first few pages. An affidavit is 
published there of Col. John Ballinger, a man of high standing, 
stating that he had brought two mule loads of silver from New 
Orleans and delivered same to Wilkinson on December 26th, 1789, 
at Frankfurt. This was at a date that there was no question as to the 
integrity of Wilkinson's dealings at New Orleans. But by publishing 
that bald truth without stating the source of the money Clark knew 
Wilkinson would be prejudiced with the masses. On Wilkinson's 
trial in 1811, Col. BalUnger, was cross examined on this affidavit, and 
testified, I carried the money into Frankfurt as openly as I came into 
this town; delivered it to Wilkinson in the presence of many persons, 
whom I foimd there, some of whom I knew, some of whom I did not 
know; that from their conversations I foimd they knew I was coming, 
and were waiting my arrival; that they were tobacco planters of 
Lincoln coimty, in Kentucky, and were there to receive their money 
for tobacco which Wilkinson had purchased of them; for the cargo 
of which the money cpnveyed by the wintess was only a part of the 
proceeds; and that some disappointment was expressed by them, 
because the whole amount of the shipment had not been forwarded 
from New Orleans as had been expected." 

To show what a degenerate Clark really was, early in 1801 a 
a confectioner in New Orleans, named Jerome Des Granges, sailed 
for France with letters of introduction from Clark, leaving his very 
yoting and beautiful wife, bom Zulime Carriere, to be aided by 
Clark's advice. 

Evidently Clark became too intinaiate with the confectioner's 
wife as he later sent her to Philadelphia, where in April, 1802, a child 
was bom to the guilty pair. The child was left in Philadelphia, and 
the wife was brought back to meet her husband on his return to New 
Orleans, in September, 1802, when strange to say the latter was ar- 
rested for bigamy. This was an improvement on King David's 
method of getting rid of a husband. 

In Gaines vs. Relf (12 Hbward, p. 282), the Supreme Court of 
the United States said of this incident: 

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146 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

"The reports to which these witnesses swear, obviously ori- 
ginated with, and were relied on by Madame Desgrange, her sisters 
and friends, to harass and drive Desgrange from the country, so that 
his wife might indulge herself in the society of Clark, unincum- 
bered and unannoyed by the presence of an hiunble and 
deserted husband, and this was in fact, accomplished, for Desgrange 
did leave the country soon after he was tried for bigamy, and Clark 
did set up Desgrange's wife in an handsome establishment, where 
their intercourse was imrestrained/' 

*ln 1805, when Desgrange again came to New Orleans, his 
wife immediately sued him for alimony as above stated; speedily 
got judgment against him for $500 per anniun; on the same day 
issued execution, and again drove him away. 

No proof for bigamy was presented against Des Granges and he 
was discharged. Des Granges, however, left New Orleans, and did 
not return until 1805, and during his absence, in 1803, Clark secretly 
married the grass widow in Philadelphia, and about 1805, in the city 
of New Orleans, a child was bom of this marriage; the celebrated 
Myra Clark Gaines. The child, while an infant was turned over to 
Mr. and Mrs. S. B. Davis, who raised her. She did not learn of her 
parentage until many years after the death of her father. On his 
visit in 1802 to Philadelphia to see his concubine, Clark found time 
to go to Washington and lodge charges, against Wilkinson. In the 
case of Myra Clark Gaines vs. the City of New Orleans^ Supreme 
Court of United States, 6 Wallace's reports, p. 677, is quoted a letter 
from Clark to Chew and Relf, dated February 18th, 1802, which 
stated: "I return three or four days from Washington, where I had 
an opportunity of seeing the President and officers of the government, 
by whom I was well received ***♦♦**♦** it has been 
htnted to me that a great deal is expected from my services." 

In his message to Congress, dated January 20th, 1808, "Mes- 
sages and Papers of President, Vol. 1, p. 437," President Jefferson 
says that in 1803, **He, Clark, was listened to freely, and he then de- 
livered the letter of Governor Gayoso addressed to himself, and of 
which a copy is now communicated. After his return to New Orleans 
he forwarded to the Secretary of State other papers with the request 
that after their perusal they be burnt,'' (a la Mulligan Letters). 

The administration of Jefferson paid no attention to this at- 
tempt to defame Wilkinson. 

Clark prior to the cession of Louisiana had been United States 
vice-consul at New Orleans. He expected an important position 
from the President, and failing to receive it grew bitter against the 

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General James Wilkinson 147 

new regime. Possibly the fact that he had succeeded through him- 
self, and in part by parties fraudulently interposed, in obtaining 
titles to over 100,000 acres of valuable land from the Spanish regime, 
in Louisiana, worth subsequently over ten million dollars, may have 
accoimted for his anxiety to be a ruling power in Louisiana. Note 
his anxiety on land matters in his last quoted letter to Wilkinson. 

Governor Claiborne wrote on Jime 19th, 1805, to President 

"It may perhaps be to you a matter of curiosity to know the nature 
and extent of the party to which I am indebted for those unJfriendly attacks. 
I have no hesitation to tell you they proceeded originsdly from the resent- 
ment of Mr. Daniel Clark, who conceiving himself entitled to the confidence 
of the FVesident, and possibly to some distinguished place in the adminis- 
tration here, is mortified to find himself so completely overlooked." Gayarre 
Vol. 4, p. 103. 

Claiborne said further: 

"Such persons from long practice are more conversant with the arts 
of intrigue. To what lengths the opposition to me may be carried I know 
not, but I am inclined to think that nothing will be left imsaid which can 
wound my feelings, and that my public and private character will be cruelly 

Randolph also extended his hatred to Claiborne, as Gayarre, 
(Vol. 4, p. 131), says: 

"In 1806, John Randolph made a most bitter attack on Governor 
Claiborne in Congress which the latter much resented. This attack charged 
his administration with weakness and imbecility. In 1806 Claiborne again 
denounced Daniel Clark as being among the intriguers who opposed him. 
Clark from disappointment is greatly soured with the administration and 
* unites in doing the Governor here all the injury in his power." Gayarre 
4, p. 142.) 

''What contributed to increase Claiborne's vexation was the 
election of Clark, his personal enemy, as a delegate to Congress about 
that time." Gayarre 114. 

In the Gaines case, above cited, a reference is made to a duel 
between Claiborne and Clark which Gayarre says nothing of. 

Upon his election to Congress from New Orleans Clark repaired 
to Washington in 1806. He kept his marriage concealed, and posing 
in Washington as a man of great fortime proceeded to pay his ad- 
dresses to a Miss Caton, a lady of a very prominent family from Balti- 
more, at that tune in Annapolis, who subsequently married the Duke 
of Leeds. In the Gaines case, on pages 654 and 655, are his letters 
to his partner Daniel W. Coxe, about this projected marriage, the 
same Coxe who later wrote for Clark, the "Proofs of the Corruption 
of Wilkinson." 

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148 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Wilkinson being asked at a dinner in Annapolis, about that 
time, as to Clark's wealth said he was not a wealthy man, which 
statement was overheard by a member of the Caton family. 

That Wilkinson's statement was true the U. S. Supreme Court 
in the Gaines case, 6th Wallace, p. 689, fifty-nine years later, verifies, 

"That up to the time of Clark's death he had no ready money and was 
greatly shortened for want of it; not being able to supply even his mother's 
small requirements." 

In Wilkinson Memoirs (2nd Volume) he traces Clark's bitter 
enmity to this, his remark, as to Clark's fortune. Strange that in 
1867, nearly 60 years later, Wilkinson's statements should be thus 
verified. In a letter quoted in the Gaines case, from Clark to Coxe, 
dated February 14th, 1808, the writer stated as to his courtship, "I 
am sorry to have to mention that it not only has not been effected, 
but that the affair is forever ended." 

Coxe testified in the Gaines case that the engagement was 
broken off, because of a demand for marriage settlements by the lady's 
family, thus corroborating Wilkinson's statement in his Memoirs 
that the marriage was broken off because Clark could not make good 
his pretensions of wealth. In the meantime Clark's wife, offended 
by his refusal to proclaim her his wife, and offended by her htis- 
band's attempt to marry another woman, in August, 1808, married 
in Philadelphia a French gentleman named Gardere, Clark not ob- 
jecting. (See the Gaines case, p. 656). 

Clark died on August 16th, 1813. Owing to his secretiveness 
to the last, he made a private will and the same was stolen and de- 
stroyed and secondary proof thereof was not successfully made until 
1856, over 40 years later. (See successkm of Daniel Clark, 11th 
Louisiana Annual Reports p. 124). By the decision of the Louisiana 
Supreme Court, Clark's mother was disinherited. 

The contest of his daughter to prove her legitimacy was not 
however, entirely successful until December, 1867, (see the above 
Gaines case in the Supreme Court of the United States) and I, my- 
self, remember Mrs. Myra Clark Gaines, as a tottering old woman, 
before she began to enjoy the proceeds of the enormous quantity of 
valuable lands her father got fh)m Spain. 

Clark was a man untrue to the country of his birth; imtrue to 
his friends; untrue in his sworn depositions; untrue and deceitful 
to the woman he betrayed, as even aiter he made her his wife, he kept 
that marriage hidden and allowed her to be considered as his mis- 
tress before the world; he was untrue to the woman whom he subse- 

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General James Wilkinson- 149 

quentiy tried to commit bigamy with and to dishonor; he was im- 
tnie even to his own daughter, whose parentage he concealed for 
almost all of his life, whom he allowed others to care for and raise, 
and whom he subjected by his unnatural, deceitful and depraved dis- 
position to suffer almost all of her long life from the unjust imputa- 
tion of adulterous bastardy. 

No man with a spark of honor or decency would convict any 
human being on the testimony of such a degenerate villain. 

I desire to call particular attention to the fact that both Clai- 
borne and Wilkinson, from the time they came to New Orleans 
together in 1803, to the admission of New Orleans as a State were 
surroimded by a coterie of powerful French and Spanish enemies; 
that New Orleans then extended only from Esplanade to Canal 
streets and from the river to Rampart street, not one himdred blocks, 
and that New Orleans was then but the size of a modem village. 

From 1803 to 1806, when Claiborne expelled the Spanish officers, 
he was thrown in contact with all classes of Wilkinson's enemies 
and if there had been any fact detrimental to Wilkinson it would 
have been impossible for Claiborne not to have learned of it. I now 
make public for the first time the private and confidential letters fixmi 
Governor Claiborne to Wilkinson in May, Jime and September, 
1807, which show that Claiborne had the most imboimded confi- 
dence in and regard for Wilkinson and also an abhorrence and con- 
tempt for Thomas Power, the principal witness in 1811 against Wil- 
kinson. I now cite an original letter from Governor Claiborne to 

(Private) New Orleans, May 29th, 1807. 

Ikar Sir: 

In a paper of yesterday General Adair's arrival at Nashville is an- 
nounced, and it is added "that he is on his way to this city for the express 
purposes of visiting General Wilkinson." Adair must know of Burr's trial 
in Richmond and of your summons to attend. If, therefore, he be on his 
way hither, it seems to me to be his object to avoid rather than seek you. 

A splendid dinner was given on the 27th to the Honorable D. Clark. 
Mr. Ed. Livingston (Burr's counsel) presided assisted by Mr. Phil Jones 
and the ex-Sheriff George Z. Ross. Among the guests were the Judges 
of the Superior Court and Mr. Alexander (another of Burr's lawyers) 
Counsellor at Law, the ci-devant mayor of New Orleans and James 
Workman^ late Judge of the County of Orleans. The latter spoke in his 
paper and said that great was the contrast between this dinner and the 
dinner which was given to General Wilkinson*, that at the Clark's function 
function that one hundred gentlemen sat down to dinno* but at yours 
only thirty could be obtained. In point of numbers they may boast but I 
perceive that in point of respectability of character they do not claim pre- 

I surely hope you had a pleasant voyage and that your arrival in Rich- 
mond was sufficiently early to meet the wishes of Government. 

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150 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Your friends here are all solicitous to learn the result of Burr's trial 
and the favorable impression uihich your conduct when it comes to be explained, 
must make on the American Society. 

I pray you therefore to keep us adivsed of particulars and to receive 
my best wishes for your health, happiness and prop^ierity. 

"General James Wilkinson." 

The next letter from Governor Claiborne to Wilkinson, of which 
I produce the original, is marked "Private and Confidential." 

'•New Orleans. June 16th, 1807. 
"My dear Sir: 

You will have heard of my duel with Mr. Clark and the issue: I have 
suffered much pain; but the wound has assumed a favorable aspect and I 
hope in ten or fifteen days to be enabled to walk. General Adair is still 
here and receives great attention from some of oui citizens. I am told 
that he is lavish in his abuse of you; but that was to have been expected. 

With all my heart do I wish you prosp>eiity and happiness but alike 
with myself, I fear you may have some difficult scenes to encounto*. 

I have given up the idea of writing a book. It would net assist me 
witii my friends and would tend only to make my enemies more bitter. I 
think your book also might as well for the present be postponed; we have 
both justified ourselves to the President and with that I think we should 
be content. 

For several reasons I must entreat you in no event to make public 
the statement I gave you concerning Mr. J. B. It can be of no service to 
you to make it public, and among other effects it might i^obably invdve 
my frioid Dr. Fk)od, in a dispute. 

It is said that Dr. BoUman will be here in a few days and that Swart- 
hout is also expected, I fear. I much fear the danger is not over. 

Mr. Clark in his affair with me, acted the part of the gentleman and 
the soldier. 

I am, dear sir. 

Your friend, 

"General James Wilkinson." 

The next letter from Governor Claiborne is also marked "Pri- 

New Orleans, June 26th. 1807. 
Dear Sir: 

I am this moment informed that General Adair is busilv engaged in 
obtaining at this place such information in writing as he thinks is best 
calculated to injiue you and that nis object is to proceed on to Richmond 
in a few days. I know not what documents Adair may have collected but 
possibly it may be of some service to you to know, that he is thus employed. 

My wound has been vary painful, but is now much better and I hope 
to be enabled to walk in ten or twelve days. I sincerdy wish you well. 

"Gena^ Wilkinson." 

The deposition of Lieutenant J. S. Smith of the U. S. Army, 
on March 25th, 1807, is published in the Louisiana Gazette of April 
10th of that year, in which that officer declares that while Adair 
was a prisoner in his charge the latter said that if he had remained 
48 hours in New Orleans, it would not have been m the power of Wtl- 

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General James Wilkinson 151 

hnson to arrest htm. **♦♦*♦♦♦*♦ He further swoi'e he 
would take the life of the General at the first opportunity." 

The fourth and most important letter of Governor Claiborne 
deals largely with the witnesses who were subpoenaed in the Burr 
trial, and particularly with the character of one Thomas Powers 
whoni Daniel Clark suborned to commit perjury against General 
Wilkinson, on his later trial in 1811. 

It will be noted that this letter was written years before Governor 
Claiborne ever knew that Wilkinson would be tried, or that this man 
Powers would be the star witness on Daniel Clark's part against 

Powers, Derbigny, Merciere and McDonnough, four out of 
the five witnesses Governor Claiborne states in this letter as simi- 
moned by Burr, are anti- Wilkinson witnesses whose evidence Clark 
has printed in his "Proofs" and Claiborne himself opposing Burr had 
just been shot by Clark in a duel. 

This letter is as follows: 

New Orleans, September 8th, 1807. 

I thank you for your friendly letter of the 29th, of July. Ashley is 
now here, and was the bearer of many blank subpoenas. Thomas Patvers, 
Derbigny, Fromentine, a man of the name of Merciere and Mr, Donnough 
have been summoned on behalf of Burr. Powers has gone; the other gen- 
tleman I learned have forwarded their depo^tions. 

Hardin acts, (I understand) as Burr's counsel at Natchez and Livingston 
and Alexander in this dty. Thomas Powers has said that if compelled 
to tell the truth, he must ruin you; but that he would claim the protection 
of the Spanish Minister, and if possible, avoid giving testimony. With 
this man Powers, I once had an interview, with a design of obtaining some 
particular information relative to certain propositions which he had made , 
to certain persons in Kentucky. I did not attain my object but I clearly 
ascertained that Powers was a most unprincipled man and susceptible ofabrib^. 
At this same interfiew, I well recollect, that Powers told me General Wilkinson 
was not either directly or indirectly concerned in the Spanish business and he 
called hts God to witness the truth of what he said. 

Oui enemies here continue their exertions to injure us both and will 
omit no effort to accomplish their objects; but I trust and believe they can 
do us no mjury. 

I am, deal sir. 

Your friend sincerely, 

'^General James Wilkinson." 

It will be noted that these letters evince a respect, esteem and 
affection on the part of Governor Claiborne towards Wilkinson, 
with whom he was very closely connected, both officially and per- 
sonally, and both of whom were the object of the most persistent 
and bitter attacks of enemies who were industriously collecting every 
scrap of evidence that they could get to injure them. 

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152 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

As between Randolph and Clark, the latter was utterly without 
principle and much the worst, but both were equally malignant 
and laid their plans carefully against Wilkinson. Randolph having 
been put in possession of all tJie papers and forgeries in Clark's 
hands that he had gathered against Wilkinson, on Deceniber 31st, 
1807, sent up these papers (afterwards pronounced forgeries) for the 
Clerk of the House to read, and presenting a resolution to instruct 
the President of the United States to institute an inquiry into the 
conduct of Wilkinson for having "while commander-in-chief of the 
armies of the United Staties ccwruptly received money from Spain 
or its agents," to create a more dramatic effect, then and there de- 
clared, pointing to Clark, that the latter, coerced by the authority 
of the House, could give more danming evidence against Wilkinson," 
and Clark (like Powers) in order to falsely appear as a reluctant 
accuser, demurred to giving evidence, although both Randolph and 
Clark were both full of venom and like snakes were coiled for their 

Wilkinson met this resolution and demanded a court of inquiry, 
which was granted by the President, January 2nd, 1808. Both 
Randolph and Clark were summoned as witnesses and neither 
dared attend the trial, the former because he knew nothing of his own 
knowledge, the latter, for the same reason that he had asked Jeffer- 
son that his previous papers be burned, dared not submit his forgeries 
and scoundrelism to the test of a cross-examination and like a jackal 
at the presence of a lion slunk away afraid of the scourging he would 
have received. After six months of investigation and delays the 
court of inquiry brought Iq a verdict finding Wilkinson not guilty 
and further stating *'that he had discharged the duties of his station 
with honor to himself and fidelity to his country." This finding was 
approved by Thomas Jefferson. 

Clark in his "Proofs" claims a letter dated and signed "R. R.", 
calling Jefferson "a fool" and Claiborne "a beast" received at Phil- 
adelphia by Coxe, his partner, was written in Wilkinson's hand, 
and this statement is repeated, but like the story of the three black 
crows, the letter is credited directly to Wilkinson, in the Coxe article. 
(19 Am. Historical Review). 

The main Wilkinson letter to Gayoso published in Clark's 
''Proofs," was proven and declared a forgery and was traced to 
Powers and Clark by the Wilkinson Court Martial in 1811, Clark 
not daring to appear before the tribimal to back his hand-work, 
though duly siunmoned. 

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Central Jame3 Wilkinson 153 

A little thing like ascribing an anonymous letter to Wilkinson 
was easy for Clark, however false the charge. Clark knew Wilkinson's 
handwriting well, therefore what object could the latter have had in 
writing a letter to Coxe, his partner, in his own hand, signed with 
fictitious initials and in it abusing his best friend and superior, Jef- 

On December 2nd, 1808, Wilkinson was ordered by President 
Jefferson to assemble almost all the available troops at or near New 
Orleans, "and to have such disposition of the troops in that depart- 
ment formed as will most effectually enable you to defend New 
Orleans against any invading force. — H. Dearborn, Secretary of 

Wilkinson does not mention in his memoirs that on his way to 
New Orleans he was entrusted by Jefferson with a secret mission to 
the Spaniards at Pensacola and Havana, which had for itis object a 
possible coalition between Mexico, Cuba and certain South American 
colonies, and their later formation into powers independent of Spain. 
This was the first attempt at what became later the Monroe Doctrine 
in the United States. 

Owing to the imsettled conditions in the Spanish possessions 
this mission was not a success. 

By reason of the delay in these negotiations ai^d because of slow 
transportation by sea Wilkinson did not reach New Orleam imtil 
April, 1809, where he foimd the troops already assembled many of 
them sick and destitute of supplies. It is important to note that 
imder Jefferson, the evangelist of peace, the entire army of the 
United States had been allowed to. dwindle to 3,000 men, 2,000 of 
which were then to be under Wilkinson at New Orleans. To pre- 
serve discipline, prevent desertions, and drill his troops, many of 
whom had never had proper military training, Wilkinson ordered his 
men into encampment at Terre aux Boeufs, a higher and healthier 
site than the present New Orleans U. S. Bairacks site, and about 
10 miles below the latter. 

Mr. Madison had then become President. The greatest warrrior 
that ever lived said, "An army travels on its stomach." The present 
eflfidency of the greatest military machine that the world has ever 
known is due largely to the Kaiser's automobile kitchens. Railroads 
and automobiles were then xmknown. The present anxiety over the 
use of the railroads for supplies by our army in Mexico shows how 
important that branch of the service is. Wilkinson without com- 
plaint had for years marched his men through traddeSs forests and 
over marshes and unbridged rivers where there were no roads even for 

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154 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

wiigons or carts, and had made no muimiir, but he bitterly complains 
in his Memoirs of the miserable state of his commissary where his 
men were dying and even the medicines the doctors ordered were not 
supplied. One fact entirely overlooked by historians deserves care- 
ful notice. Gayarre says, Vol. 4, p. 224: 

"Claiborne in 1810, in consequence of the ravages of yellow 
fever during the previous year, recommended the legislature to make a 
sanitary code." Now it is a grave mistake to suppose that yellow 
fever does not spread to the country. The old original home of my 
grand father on the Pointe Celeste plantation, 40 miles below New 
Orleans, was burned down by its owner to kill the yellow fever 
germs of several persons who died there some time after the civil 
war. Mosquitoes also produce malarial fevers. We had then no 
Reed or Goethals, but Wilkinson finding the mosquitoes bad in his 
camp made a lengthy report to the Honorable Wm. Eustis, Secretary, 
of War, dated May 12th, 1809, in which among other things he said: 

'The troops are without bunks or berths to repose on or mosqxiito 
nets to protect them against that pestiferous insect with which this country 
abound^; these accommodations are absolutely necessary not only to the 
comfort but the health and even the lives of the men, but they have not 
been provided yet." 

The penurious administration of Madison let an army suffer 
and die all simimer, in spite of Wilkinson's solemn warning, because 
they were too ignorant and mean to protect that' army from disease 
and death. The report of the Hospital supplies, appendix CV of 
Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. 2nd, shows on hand, "106 bed sacks, 75 
sheets, 8 mattresses, 89 blankets and 35 mosquito bars," and this 
for an army of 2,000 soldiers. No bars were provided, and even re- 
quisitions for delicacies, ordered by the surgeons for the sick, were 
refused by Mr. Eustis, Secretary of War. 

See official document, Wilkinson Memoirs, Vol. S, 354, which 

"These under the existing "fifty dollar order" (the utmost that he could 
spend) "cannot be procured because they would cost at least ten thousand 
dollars; the men must therefore suffer, until some different arrangement 
is delivered. *****♦****" 

New Orleans was not well sewered, leveed and drained arti- 
ficially then, as it is now, and was imdoubtedly at that time a very 
imhealthy place. 

The French Government had just before that time lost an 
army in San Domingo by yellow fever from mosquitoes, Mosqui^ 
toes vanquished the French and cost them thousands of lives before 
they abandoned the construction of the Panama Canal. In the 

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General James Wilkinson 155 

country below New Orleans common humanity still requires in sum- 
mer the screening of stables and hen houses. In August, 1809, the 
hottest month of our southern sununer, Wilkinson was ordered to 
move his army up to Fort Adams, which, to use the laconic expres- 
sion of one of the surgeons made the **sick die and the well sick." On 
account of this mortality, which his enemies took advantage of to 
hold him responsible for, Wilkinson was ordered to report at Wash- 
ington and to surrender his command to General Hampton. 

Wilkinson arrived in Washington April 17th, 1810. Two com- 
mittees of the House of Representatives had then been appointed, 
one to inquire into the cause of mortality among the troops that he 
had recently conmianded, and the other with powers to investigate 
his public life, character and conduct. Randolph and his partisans 
by this means sought to evade a judicial inquiry and under shelter 
of an ex parte inquiry, held out of Wilkinson's presence, to collect a 
mass of informal, unauthentic and hearsay evidence, which, being 
sent throughout the tmion as parts of congressional records, would 
blacken Wilkinson's character, and so poison the public mind against 
him that he would be ruined. This was kept for two sessions by four 
committees, Wilkinson, all the time demanding a hearing by court 
martial. The effect of this poisonous attack on the public mind 
overreached itself. The public began to ask why, if Wilkinson was 
guilty, as pretended, he was not prosecuted. In vain Wilkinson was 
asked by the Secretary of War to return and let these scandals die out. 
To every appeal his answer was, **I am innocent and wish to face 
my enemies." 

On J\me 14th, 1811, the President was forced to order a court 
martial to try him, to assemble the 1st Monday in September, 1811. 
Thirty-one counts, which no doubt both Randolph, Clark and the 
latter's hired informers, aided in preparing, were specified in the 
charges against Wilkinson. Facing these charges, some of which 
were pimishable with death, without coimsel, which he was probably 
too poor to employ, the old veteran with the same courage with which 
he had sailed down to New Orleans to brave alone the hostility of 
Spain, faced an entire hostile administration and Congress, and with- 
out technicality pleaded not guilty. 

In spite of the fact tJiat every serious charge against him was 
then barred by the statute of limitations, he disdained such shelter; 
in spite of the fact that he had been acquitted by a previous court 
of inquiry of every serious charge in this new indictment and imder 
the Constitution of the United States could not be twice put in jeop- 
ardy, for the same offense, he did not plead autrefois acquis; in spite 

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156 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

of the provision in the Constitution of the United States that in a 
criminal trial the acctised and the witnesses must be brotight face 
to face, and he, a scholar, knew it, he allowed the whole record of the 
Burr trial, to which he was not a party, the entire ex parte evidence 
and proceedings before four committees of Congress, largely hearsay 
evidence, to be introduced, and during the trial which last«l for over 
four months in which he denounced Clark for a perjurer, forgerer 
and scoundrel, in which he produced witness after witness to prove 
that both Daniel Clark and his venal dependant, Thomas Powers, 
were unworthy of belief, Clark did not dare to appear and testify 
in open court. Not satisfied with defaming Wilkinson through con- 
gressional reports, Clark previous to this trial had procured Daniel 
W. Coxe, his partner and two other parties to write a book called the 
"Proofs of the Corruption of General Wilkinson," which he had 
published at his own expense, yet when called upon afterwards to 
make good his proofs Clark crawled like a snake into his hole. 

It is true that an ex parte ajBidavit, filed by him in the shdta: 
of a congressional committee room, was handed over to the court 
martial with other conunittee records. Knowing full well that it 
would be strange that he, posing as such a noble patriot, should 
have kept such important evidence as he testified to, locked in his 
bosom so long, Clark, in his carefully prepared statement, sworn to 
January Uth, 1808, stated: 

"At the periods spoken of and ior some time afterwards, I was 
resident in the Spani^ territory, subject to the Spanish laws, and 
without an expectation of becoming a citizen of the United States, 
My obligations were then to conceal and not to conmitmicate to the 
government of the United States the projects and entaprisesi which 
I have mentioned of General Wilkinson, and the Spanish Govern- 

When he made this ajBidavit Louisiana had been American 
territory over four years. 

Clark did not know when he made this 4eposition, that Presi- 
dent Jefferson would by special message to Congress on January 
20th, 1808, nine days later than Clark's deposition, prove that he was 
a perjurer and that while he was a citizen of ^)ain had tried to stab 
Wilkiison in the back, and then to have the weapons he did it with 

I do not propose to quote the many complimentary and fawning 
letters that Clark had written to Wilkinson before, after and during 
the times he charged the latter with wrong doing; I do not propose 
to cite the testimony of the many prominent men that Clark had 

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General James Wilkinson 157 

previously told that Wilkinson was innocent of these charges; I do 
not propose to cite the evidence of the witnesses that testified Clark 
was the most malignant of men, as these are all set out in Wilkinson's 
Memoirs, (2nd Volume.) Suffice it, that the members of the court 
martial, in their finding, stated that Clark was impeached, which 
meant that he could not be believed under oath. Clark's star witness, 
Thomas Powers, arrived after the evidence was closed. At Wilkinson's 
request the case was reopened and Powers permitted to testify. 
His evidence was entirely shattered. Since his depositions have 
been quoted and relied on by some historians, I mention that Capt. 
John Bowyer, Silas Dinsmore and Governor Claiborne testified that 
Powers had declared to them that Wilkinson was innocent. Wil- 
kinson further produced a voluntary written and signed statement, 
dated May 16tJi, 1807, and enclosed to him by Powers long after 
the incidents that Powers, who was later suborned by Clark narrated, 
which statement began: 

"I, Thomas Powers, of the city of New Orleans, moved solely by a sense 
of justice and the desire to prevent my name being employed to sanction 
groundless slanders, do most solemnly declare that I have at no time carried 
or delivered to General James Wilkinson from the government of Spain 
or any other persons in the service of said government bills of money specie 
or other property." 

This statement further absolves Wilkinson from any connection 
with Powers' mission to Kentucky in behalf of Spain. 

On February 6th, 1803, Thomas Powers had written Wilkinson 
a fawning and obsequious letter concluding: 

"I respect your virtue, admire your imderstanding, reverence and 
esteem your character and shall ever be proud of your friendship not only 
as an honor but an ornament." 

Wilkinson further produced the depositions of Major G. C. 
Russell, Geo. Mather, and William Wikoff, Jr., that the character of 
Thomas Powers was ii;ifamous, as he was generally known as a venal 
dependent of Clark. The court martial in its reasons for verdict 
declared in its report, that Thomas Powers, like Daniel Clark, was 
unworthy of belief. The court martial delivered its lengthy verdict 
Christmas Day, 1811. We cite only a few passages from it: 

"It appears evident to the court that in 1795 a considerable sum of 
money was due to General Wilkinson from the Spanish government at 
New Orleans on accoimt of his conmxercial transactions. This ciramistance 
is deemed sufficient to account for such parts of said correspondence as 
have been proved which was apparently to preserve the friendship of the 
officers and agents of the Spanish power to magnify the importance of 
General Wilkinson in their view; to secure his property then under their 
control in New Orleans; and to facilitate its remittance from that place 

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158 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

It is pertinent to remark, that if attempts were made to abrupt 
the patriotism and integrity of General Wilkinson, the records of this court 
exhibit no one act of military life which can by the most constrained con- 
struction be conskiered as the effect of that constructkjn. If Geno^ Wil- 
kinson actually formed a corrupt oonnectk)n with the Spanish government, 
the repeated application made by him many years ago for an mquiry into 
his conduct, appear rather inexplicable especially as many of the witnesses 
of his guilt, if he was Jjuilty, then lived to testify on that subject. 

On the whole, the court thinks it proper to declare, that from a com- 

Sarison of all the testimony. General Wilkinson, appears to have performed 
is various and complicated duties with zeal and fidelity and merits the 
approbation of his cotmtiy. (Signed) P. Gansevoort, Brigadier General 

This decision was reluctantly approved by Wilkinson's enemy, 
President Madison, on February 14th, 1812, a month and a half 
after rendition. 

**But," says, Mr. Gayarre, "newly discovered evidence warrants 
a rearraignment of General Wilkinson's memory at least before the 
bar of history." 

It is an axiom in both civil and criminal law that to discover 
truth, trials should be prompt. The statute of limitation is of divine 
origin (15 Deuteronomy) and is based on that axiom. Similar docu- 
ments to those that Gayarre cites, from both Governor Carondelet 
and Gayoso, were produced, examined and pronounced forgeries at 
Wilkinson's trial. The whole new evidence cited are similar letters, 
and copies of Wilkinson's alleged letters deciphered, translated into 
another tongue, and then retranslated back into English. 

When Wilkinson was tried, Gayoso and the Baron de Carondelet 
were both dead, and Miro had gone back to Spain. Whether in the 
deciphering of these letters, or their translations into Spanish, they 
were not added to, to justify the leeching process by which these 
Spanish officials magnified their own importance, and were ever 
bleeding the home government, I know not, and neither did Gayarre. 
The Americans were to the Spaniards then what the Gringos are to 
Mexicans today, and Gayarre certainly has vented much ill will 
against Wilkinson. 

The first rule as to evidence to prove a fact is, that the witness 
produced must be a credible person. I have previously shown the 
misuse and waste by the Spanish Governors of the fimds of the 
colony of Louisiana, and even the "honest" Miro was charged with 
embezzlement after he left by the Spanish Intendant. 

(See Gayarre Vol. 3). 

Hbward's History of the Purchase of Louisiana, says, p. 51, 
that in 1786 Governor Miro spent $3(X),(XX).(X) in inflaming the 
Indians against the Americans. Miro imdoubtedly shared in Wil- 

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General James Wilkinson 159 

kinson's ventures. Gilberto Leonard, the Spanish Treasurer, was 
also interested as in his letter about the last payment to Wilkinson 
in 1796, for the condemned tobacco, which was the last money Wil- 
kinson ever received from Spain, as shown clearly on his trial, he 
asked Wilkinson not to let it be known that he was so interested. 

To show how prone the Spaniards were to. fraud, when it was 
noised abroad in 1803 that Louisiana had been ceded to France and 
negotiations for its purchase were on by the United States, the Spanish 
rulers, knowing that private land titles would probably be respected, 
attempted to niake a large nimiber of antedated grants and back 
them by fictitious surveys. 

In the American State Papers ''Public Lands" Vol. 8, pp. 835-6, 
the United States Commissioners adopted a report: 

"That the frequency of these land grants at the dose of the Spanish 
government furnishes strong evidence of fiaud ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ These 
antedated concessions bear date in the naost part in 1799 and 1800, for the 
purpose of covering up matters and preserving fair appearances." 

It is not so long since in Louisiana that a law was passed against 
padding dead head pay rolls. It is a favorite device of the average 
ward politician to get money in elections for alleged pensionaires, 
which money he keeps for himself. 

The French Prefect Laussat wrote home of Louisiana in 1803, 
"I will now proceed to show how justice is administered here, which 
is worse than in Turkey." 

United States Consul Clark wrote to Washington in 1803; **A11 
the officers plunder when t|ie opportunity offers, they are all venal 
from the Governor down." (Howard's Purchase of Louisiana, p. 

Havana, Cuba, was the parent colony to which the Louisiana 
and Pensacola Colonies reported. 

In the Ostend Manifesto of October 18th, 1854, the American 

Commissioners, James Buchanan, N. J. Mason and Pierre Soule, 

the latter at one time United States Senator from Louisiana, in 

recommending the purchase of Cuba saidj 

'The irresponsible agents sent by Spain to govern Cuba, ♦♦•♦♦• 
are tempted to improve the brief oppoitunity thus offorded to accumulate 
fortunes by the basest means." 

General Fitzhugh Lee in his History of Cuba's Struggle Against 
Spain, says (p. 100): 

"The Spanish Governor who made the highest record at home was he 
who wrung from the Cuban the greatest amount of gold ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦• 
(p. 107). "Arbitrary governors and swarms of officials, military and poli- 
tical, were always quartered on the people with the imiform hope of return- 
ing to Spain rich with the spoils of vice.' *' 

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160 The Louisiana Historical Qtiarterly 

General Lee says, (p. 118): 

"While the Cubans were daily growing poorer the Spanish officials 
were increasing their private fortunes ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦* xhe govern- 
ment offices in a short time became the property of the highest bidder." 
********** Such was the corruption in the collection of duties 
that in 1887 the Havana Customhouse was cleared at the point of the 
bayonet by Captain General Marin." 

A greater one than "Wilkinson has said, "A tree is judged by its 
fruits." The Tahnud says "deeds speak louder than words," and 
whether in the revolutionary war, the Indian wars, at Sabine River, 
Natchez, Mobile or New Orleans, Wilkinson in no single act ever 
wavered in bravely doing his full duty by his country. 

Wilkinson to the day of his death was comparatively poor. 
I saw only recently at Pointe-a-la-Hache the original of an act by 
which he bought a portion of the present Live Oak Grove Plantation, 
25 miles below the dty of New Oirleans for fourteen hundred dollars, 
of which he paid only four himdred dollars in cash. This purchase 
was made from Dufour Freres on December 28th, 1818. 

I again repeat that no fair or just man would convict an Ameri- 
can General, who uniformly opposed them, on the unsworn and ex- 
parte statements of his Spanish enemies whom he uniformly opposed. 

Wilkinson after his acquittal by this court martial was ordered 
to take charge of and place the defenses of the city of New Orleans 
in order, which he did. 

Martin sajrs, (p. 256): 

"On the 12th of February 1813 Congress authorized the President 
of the United States to occupy and hold that part of West Florida lying 
west of the River Perdido not then in the possession of the United States. 
Orders for this purpose were sent to ll^kinson who immediately took meas- 
ures with Commodore Shaw and the necessary equipment being made 
the forces employed in this service reached the vicinity of Fort Charlotte 
between the 7th and 8th of April having on their way dispossessed a Spanish 
guard on Dauphin Island and intercepted a Spanish transport having 
on board detachments of artillery with mimitions of war. Eton Gayetano 
Perez, who commanded in Fort Charlotte received the first information of 
Wilkinson's approach from his drums. The place was strong and wdl 
supplied with artillery but the garrisMi consisted of 150 effective men 
only and was destitute of provisions. Don Gayetano capitulated on the 
13th. The garrison was sent to Pensacola. The artillery of the fort was re- 
tained; with part of it Wilkinson established a new fort at Mobile Point 
He left Colonel Constant in charge of Fort Charlotte and returned to New 
Orleans, which he left a few days after, being ordered to join the army on 
the frontiers of Canada." 

On his way to Canada he stopped at Washington and conferred 
with Secretary of War Armstrong. His advice as to the projected 
campaign was rejected, and the plans of the War Department for an 
attack on Montreal was adopted. 

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Gmeial James Wilkinson 161 

In the wars of 1812 the blame for the many failures of the 
American land forces has never been placed where it properly be- 
longs, that is on the War Department of the Madison administra- 
tion. The war of 1812 was most impopular in the northern States. 
William J, Bryan was not more of a peace at any price leader, than 
was Thomas Jeflferson, who permitted the army of the United States 
to shrink to 3,000 men, and as small as this force was, the arms, 
ammxmition and general equipment under both Jeflferson and Madi- 
son, were infinitely more meager. Twenty-nine years had elapsed 
between the end of the revolutionary war and the beginning of the 
war of 1812, and during this time both Jeflferson and Madison had 
acted on the beUef that eternal peace was the heritage of this coimtry . 

During twenty years of this time, the British were largely 
engaged against the greatest general the world had ever known, and 
both their army and navy had vastly improved. The raw recruits 
sent against the flower of the British veterans, in the war of 1812, 
were poorly drilled and trained and were worse equipped and fed. 

Secretary of War Armstrong, under President Madison, was 
utterly ineflBdent. Moreover the French, who had greatly helped 
the Americans in the revolutionary war and Spain and Holland tiiat 
indirectly helped them were not our friends in 1812, and even if they 
had been, the battle of Waterloo had been in eflfect fought at Trafal- 
gar, 10 years previous to the latter, the French fleets were destroyed, 
and England was then, as now, the mistress of the seas. I do not 
propose to describe General Hull's campaign, surrender and subse- 
quent court martial and condemnation to be shot for cowardice; nor 
the unsuccessful campaigns of Generals Dearborn, Van Rensselear 
and Smyth; nor the cowardly and abject surrender of the city of 
Washington and the burning of the capitol there by the British, 
since these are matters of well known history. Nor do I propose to 
dwell at any length on how Wilkinson was ordered to go to Sacketts 
Harbor and take charge there of raw levies of undisciplined troops, 
with which he was subsequently to conduct a winter campaign in 
Canada. Canada is a far colder section than Valley Forge, where 
Washington had to seek winter quarters with his army. Winter 
overcame even Napoleon at Moscow. Wilkinson's army was largely 
sick, miserably equipped and with hardly any clothing, arms or 
food; the boats to transport them were insuflftcient and many of them 
unseaworthy; the army imder General Wade Hampton also refused 
to join and cooperate with him, as they had originally been ordered 
to do, and owing to Secretary Armstrong's vacillating policy, they 
were not forced to obey this order. Added to all this Wilkinson, then 

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162 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

S7 years old, had been for years fighting, marching, counter-march- 
ing and itmning boundaries, in the revolutionary wars, in Indian 
campaigns and in the wilds and swamps of Georgia, Mississippi and 
Lomsiana, and his health had broken down, and he not only asked 
to be relieved of his conmiand but his surgeon also certified to Secre- 
tary of War Armstrong that he was ill and there was a necessity of 
his being relieved, which was not done. Much of the time then 
Wilkinson was on a sick bed with the army, and the failure of his 
campaign was due as much to ''the infantry of the snow and the 
cav^ry of the wild^blast" as to the failure of General Wade Hamptcm 
to cooperate with him, and his lack of supplies. In order to shift the 
re^xmsibility of the failure of this campaign from the shoulders of 
his war secretary, charges were preferred by President Madison's 
coders involving inefficiency and drunkenness while on duty against 
Major General Wilkinson. After a trial before a court martial last- 
ing nearly two months, on March 21st, 1815, Wilkinson was honor- 
ably acquitted on all charges, and President Madison approved the 
finding of the court martial. 

One of these charges against Wilkinson was for dnmkeimess. 
In those days many leading men were hard drinkers and before 
studying the record I was under the impression that Wilkinson, 
like many Kentuckians, might have been too much addicted to li- 
quor, but after reading the evidence taken on that court martial, 
which is carefully quoted verbatim in Wilkinson's Memoirs, 3rd 
Voltmie, I find that evidence completely disproved this charge, 
even his attending surgeon testifying that Wilkinson was then 
abstemious as to liquor and opposed to its xise in the army, and the 
court martial, in its verdict specifically f oimd he was not guilty of each 
and every charge, including the charge of dnmkenness. 

Wilkinson at the conclusion of the war in 1815 left the army 
and came to Louisiana, where he engaged in planting on the Missis- 
sippi river below New Orleans, and where his descendants, to the 
foiuth generations, are still to be foimd. The same lure of the wild 
that called such Kentuckians as Wallace, Crockett, and Houston, 
to go over into Texas, tempted Wilkinson to go there himself at an 
earlier date, about 1823. Lands were to be had then for almost 
nothing in Texas and he went down to the City of Mexico, that 
had jurisdiction over Texas, to enter titles to certain of these lands. 
Like many men, who begin life yoimg, and endure many hardships, he 
had by that time worn out a naturally strong and rugged constitution, 
and falling sick died near the City of Mexico in 1825 at 68 years of 

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General James Wilkinson 163 

age. His grave is situated in the Baptist Ceiuetery in the City of 

It may be possible that Wilkinson, who seems to have been 
somewhat garrulous and sometimes quarrelsome, may have been 
reckless and indiscreet in his utterances. Edward iV, in his 
remorse at a brother's murder is made to cry out, "He slew no man, 
his fault was thought, and yet his pimishment was bitter death." 
Men are not usually condemned for what they think but what they 
do, and on what he did Wilkinson was an able and true soldier of the 

Wilkinson, while Jiving, valued his reputation more than his 
life. From his scanty means he had publi^ed three large volumes 
in his own defense which are quoted as an authority of his times by 
a greatt many authors. The Roman centurion, when on trial, had a 
right to bare his breast and call on his judges to note the wounds he 
had suffered for his coimtry's sake. Wilkinson is the only American 
officer that ever led the forces of this imited country from the St. 
Lawrence to the Sabine River, and whether in the revolutiw, the 
Indian wars, or in his campaigns against Spain, he discharged his 
duties, as his court martial said, "with honor to himself and fidelity 
to his coimtry." 

If some of the writers who love to denounce him in their com- 
fortable studies, could have endured all the hardships and exposures 
that Wilkinson did on his many campaigns, wars and explorations; 
if they had risked their lives, as often as he did, against British and 
Spanish enemies and in trackless wilds against the more cruel Indians, , 
all in services and defense of their country and its people, they would 
not have been so willing to condemn him. 

No public writer has given Wilkinson credit for the principal 
work of his life. 

I have shown that he had hardly set foot in the west, before 
he began a comprehensive study of the Mississippi Valley. During 
his travels, by every means in his power, he was obtaining maps 
and information as to the west. Acting, imder his instructions, 
Nolan, his agent, in his trips through West Louisiana and Texas, 
brought him maps of these sections. He was prior to 1800 repeatedly 
consulted as to the geography of the west by Jefferson's adminis- 
tration and by public men, Clark included. 

Surveys in Georgia and Mississippi were made by him. Partly 
owing to his activities the Lewis and Clark surveys were begun in 

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164 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

1803, and continued long after, during his command of the depart- 
ment of the west. Professor Cox says: 

"Wilkinson sent to Jefferson in 1804 a 22 page memorial describing 
the coimtry between the Mississippi and the Rio Grande accompanied by 
22 maps." 

American Historical Review, Vol. 19, p. 809 (Wilkinson to 
Dearborn July 13th, 1804, and enclosures). 

"It is likely that this information caused the President to modify the 
instructions already issued to our envoys at Madrid, and to insist more 
strongly on our boundary claims, (same article). 

(American State Papers foreign relations, 627 et seq.) 

How wonderfully Spain benefited from such work! 

In the last edition of the ''Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike," 

by Elliot Coues, that author. Preface VI, says of the Lewis and 

Clark and Pike expeditions: 

"Both expeditions originated with the commander-in-chief of the 
army (Wilkinson), both were as strictly military in method as in purpose." 

All that Pike accomplished "was incidental to Wilkinson's 
main aim." 

On July 30th, 1805, Zebulon M. Pike was detached for this 
service. The author adds: 

"His selection for the duty by Wilkinson was the beginning of 
all his greatness." 

These expeditions of a few men through boimdless western 
wilds among hostile savages and Spaniards showed great courage. 
Wilkinson's son James was with Pike, and is the first American officer 
who ever traced the Arkansas river from its source. He reached 
New Orleans in time to see his mother, Mrs. Ann Wilkinson, the 
devoted wife of General Wilkinson, die there, February 23rd, 1807. 

Pike acted under General Wilkinson and the orders to him from 
the latter show great skill in engineering and a good knowledge of 
astronomy. These orders led Pike too close to the Spanish posses- 
sions and he was arrested by the Spaniards and taken to Chihauhua, 
where he arrived April 2nd, 1807. He was subsequently released. 
In his journal, he says, that he talked with the Spaniards about the 
Sabine compromise of October, 1806, about which Wilkinson is at- 
tacked by Burr historians, some of whom have the temerity to claim 
that Wilkinson was bribed by Herrara: 

"Notwithstanding the vice roy's orders and the commandant General 
Gov. Cordero's, which were to attack the Americans Herrara had the te- 
merity to enter into the agreement with General Wilkinson which at present 
exists relative to the boundaries of our frontier. 

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General James Wilkinson 165 

On his return Herrara was received with coolness by his superiors, 
'I experienced/ said Herrara, *the most unhappy period of my life, conscious 
that I served my country faithfully though I had violated every principle 
of miHtary duty.' " (Vol. 2, p. 703). 

Above is an extract from Pike's diary written at a date shortly 
after the Sabine compromise. 

These surveys of Wilkinson, of Lewis and Clark and of Pike 
were the first plans laid for the future greatness of this coxmtry from 
the Alleghanies to the Pacific slope, and though in the capital at 
Washington the picture of "westward the star of Empire takes its 
way" attracts all visitors, the leader of the wise men who first fol- 
lowed that star in this coimtry has been given no share of the credit 
for his great work. 

But there is another reason why Wilkinson has the right to 
demand justice at the hands of his people. His only brother, Joseph 
Wilkinson, was a general in the revolutionary war; his son, my grand 
father, Joseph B. Wilkinson, was an officer in the navy and served 
under Bainbridge in the Mediterranean and under Perry in 1812 on 
the great lakes; his second son, James Wilkinson, was a captain in 
the United States army and tJie latter's son, Theophilus, was an 
artillery officer in that service; his grandson. Major Robert A. Wil- 
kinson of the Confederate army, was killed at the second battle of 
Manassas; his great grandson, J. B. Penrose, was later killed in the 
same war; three other grandsons, including my eldest brother, Jos. 
B. Wilkinson, Jr., fought on the same side; his eldest son, my grand- 
father, then nearly 80 yiears of age, and the latter's son, my father, 
were both put m prison by the Federals for aiding the South. 

I remember a little over 44 years ago, when a lad, I was here 
charging Kellog's infantry entrenched in this very Cabildo, and two 
years later I was in the 14th of September fight of 1874. General 
Wilkinson's great great grandson, Lieutenant Theodore S. Wilkinson, 
Jr., of the United States Navy was some years ago the honor graduate 
at Annapolis and wears today a medal on his breast for a gallant 
charge in the recent capture of Vera Cruz. 

For five generations Wilkinson and his descendants have served 
and suffered for their country's sake and he, and they, deserve 
something better of that coimtry than slander and calumny. 

Wilkinson, like Sir John Moore, has answered the reveille of the 
great beyond and his dreamless dust rests in a far off land. 

But for his coimtry's sake, that he loved, for history's sake that 
honors truths I present this imperfect contribution to the memory 
of an able soldier and a patriotic statesman. 

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166 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Appendix added by Louisiana Historical Society: 



We have witnessed your conduct at the time of Burr's con^iracy and 
the proceedings instituted by the District Court have opened our eyes to 
the treacherous aims of the conspirators, thanks to the enerey and zeal 
that you displayed in the time of trouble, the inhabitants of New Orleans 
were saved from pillage and the United States from civil war. 

Enemies have assailed you with malicious calunmiep, that your actions 
have proved false. They have solicited and obtained from the government 
the institution of a court martial to prosecute an officer whose only crime 
was, to have resisted all temptation. 

Disappointed to see that the decision of the tribunal has rendered 
homage to your honour assailed, and has turned on the accusers an eternal 
shame; those same people are trying today to influence public opinion in 
preaching in profusion all sorts of ridiculous and false anecdotes that 
they had published in detail in the Gazette pages. 

Notwithstanding the proof given by the decision of the tribunal, that, 
false publication. General, will receive the fate it deserves. It will be looked 
upon in this territory by aU honest men as the monstrous fruit of madness 
and the last efiforts of a foolish ambition that they forever have k»st and 
that opini<Mi will be shared by the citizens from the northern States when 
they will have learned of the infamous libel and when they see the unin- 
terrupted confidence with which you have been honored by the virtuous 
Jefferson and his illustrious predecessors. 

Please receive. General, the expression of esteem and gratitude of the 
corporation of New Orleans; be assured that in whate\'er circumstances 
it will please divine providence to place you, we will always take the deepest 
interest in your welfare and happiness. 

President Pro tempore and the Members of the Council. 
Oct. 4th, 1809. 

Translated from the original on file in the Library of Louisiana 
State Museum. 

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t' 5 2. z. 

C5^. t> 

The Louisiana 
Historical Quarterly 

Vol. 1, No. 3. January 8, 1918. 


Published Quarterly by 



Digitized by 


Digitized by 


The Louisiana 
Historical Quarterly 

Vol I. No 3 

January 8, 1918 

Entered to the second class of mail matter June 6, 1917, at the post-office at New Orleans, La., 
under Act ot August 24, 1912. 

Digitized by 






JOHN DYMOND, First Vice-President. 

WILLIAM KERNAN DART. Second Vice-President 

HENRY RENSHAW. Third Vice-President. 

W. O. HART, Treasurer. 

MISS GRACE KING, Recording Secretary. 

BUSSIERE ROUEN, Corresponding Secretary-Librarian. 

Executive Committee 

John Dymond, Chairman; Caspar Cusachs, William K. Dart, Henry Renshaw, 
W. O. Hart, Miss Crace King, and Bussiere Rouen. 

Membership Committee 

H. J. de la Vergne, Chairman; Miss Emma Zacharie and George Koppel. 
Work and Archives Committee 

Caspar Cusachs, Chairman; Miss Grace King, Robert Glenk, W. O. Hart 
T. P. Thompson and A. B. Booth, 

Editor Historical Quarterly 

JOHN DYMOND, Cabildo, New Orleans. 

Digitized by 


Volume I, No. 3. January 8, 1918 

Concerning this Bienville Number 5 

Bi-Centennial of the Founding of New Orleans 13 

Consul General of France's Address. 9 

Bi-Centennial Celebration in France 18 

Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 39 

New Orleans Under Bienville... 54 

Sidelights on Louisiana History 87 

Contest for Ecclesiastical Supremacy in the Mis^ssippi Valley 154 

Early Episodes in Louisiana History 190 

First Official Y\z^ of the City of New Orleans « 210 

Raising the American Flag in Jackson Square, January 8, 1918 212 

Le Spectacle de la Rue St. Pierre ^ 215 

Abstracts from CMd Historic Papers 224 

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As Bienville's genius for good government made him the comer- 
stone on which the settlement of the great valley of the Mississippi 
was built, be having made sure France's control of this t^tory, 
reaching from the Gtilf of Mexico to the Great Lakes and from which 
territory we have carved out many of the present most progressive 
States of the Federal Union, it would seem most fit that the bi-cen- 
tennial of the foimding of New Orleans by Bienville shotild be cele- 
brated by the Louisiana Historical Society. 

In this our conferes in France, although engaged in the greatest 
war ever known really led the way by celebrating on their own part 
the same event, choosing as they did the date, October 24, 1717, 
on which the King of France, Louis XIV signed the order making 
Bienville again Governor of Louisiana, and directing his return to 
Louisiana to again take up the work of development of this French 
Empire in the New World. 

The Louisiana Historical Society has therefore dedicated this 
issue, of its quarterly to the memory of Bienville who, the records 
will show, was the chief factor in the foimding of New Orleans, 
establishing adequate military and police control, pacifying the 
Indians, securing settlers and developing such agriculture as seemed 
most fit, and doing all these things with a degree of success impara- 
lelled in American history, and tmappreciated imtil now, two himdred 
years later when the people of France as well as ourselves look with 
admiration and appreciation on Bienville's herioc figure as through 
the records we follow him during the two score years in which he 
devoted himself to his beloved Louisiana. 

In order to emulate here the proposed programme of the pro- 
posed celebration in Paris of the founding of New Orleans, the New 
Orleans bi-centenary Celebration Committee was created to take 
charge of the whole work of which the Honorable Martin Behrman, 
Mayor of New Orleans was made chairman, and Mr. T. P. Thomp- 
son, Vice-President of the Louisiana. Historical Society, was made 
chairman of the Celebration Committee's Executive Committee* 

This committee arranged a preliminary ^programme to corres- 
pond with the date to be utilized in France viz: October 24, 1917, 
and this was carried out with much success on that date in the City 
Hall in New Orleans. A brilliant mtisical program was provided; 
Mr. Thompson delivered his address on the Bi-Centennial of the 
founding of New Orleans which appears in this' issue; HonoraUe 
E. F. Zenoyer de Boumety, Consul General of France in New Orleans, 
ddivered an address in French and Miss Grace King the well known 
^ble and accurate historian of all phases of life in Louisiana, read, 
**Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville," which appear in this 

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6 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

It was contemplated to hold the Bi-Centennial celebration of the 
founding of New Orleans on the two hundredth anniversary of the 
date on. which Bienville gave orders to proceed therewith, viz: Feb- 
ruary 9th, 1918, the ceremonies to include the following two days. 
The ceremonies were to include a military mass in the cathednd, 
civic and military parades. With the near approach of the return 
of the committee sent to France to participate in the celebration 
there, it was annoimced that the Bishop of Orleans found it impossi- 
ble to come to New Orleans at the bi-centennial date, other engage- 
ments demanding his presence in France, at that time. Further, 
the great St. Louis Cathedral at Jackson Square, New Orleans, imder- 
going imperative repairs these were found impossible of ccmipletion 
at that date. Considering all these facts the New Orleans Bi-Cen- 
tenary Celebration Committee postponed the proposed celebration 
for the present. Doubtless the gravity of the war situation in Europe, 
and the great part that our own country is taking therein were also 
factors leading to this postponement. 

The notable reception our Louisiana del^ation received in 
France is fully recounted in the delegation's official report made 
upon its return to New Orleans and now published in full in this 
issue of the Louisiana Historical Quarterly. The enthusiasm with 
which our Louisiana delegation was received in France, its recognition 
of the ties that bind our nations together, and which have so boimd 
them from the days of Washington, Lafayette and Rochambeau, 
still bind them together in these days of Wilson, Pershing, Poincarre, 
Joflfre and Foch. The American army in Europe may enable the 
Ftench and English to dictate on the banks of the Rhine the terms of 
any anning peace, just as Rochambeau and Lafayette aided George 
Washington at Yorktown in 1781 in securing such peace as completed 
the independence of the American colonies. 

To add to our knowledge of Bienville's life in New Orleans 
Madame Heloise Htilse Cruzat, one of New Orleans' most accom- 
plished French scholars, has made a considerable study of the ar- 
chives of the period, now in the possession of the Louisiana Historical 
Society, and from the original data thus secured she has written the 
article on "New Orleans Under Bienville," which appears in this 
issue. In her reseach work many odd items have been secured, 
and from these she has chosen a nxmiber which we now publish 
under the general title of '^Sidelights on Louisiana History," Many 
quaint items will be found therein and those of us who have lived 
here most of our lives or all of our lives, will be prof otmdly impressed 
with the progress Louisiana has made during- these two centiuies. 
Some of the old customs and modes of life remain with us to the pres- 
ent day. 

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Concerning this Bienville Number 7 

Quebec in the north, and New Orleans in the south, the two ex- 
tremes of French settlements in America are now much visited by 
travelers and dealers in antiques have so many orders that it is 
rumored that here, as in Europe, the dealers are compelled to manu- 
facture antiques to order, as the demand for them is greater than the 
supply. Medical men will be interested in the experiences of Louisiana 
doctors of 200 years ago. The penalties inflicted for crimes remind us 
of the old law of the Hebrews, an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. 
At least the man who sold dog and cat meat as wild game, was put 
on parade with his crimes placarded on his breast. 

It will be foimd that the Mississippi river levees becanie at once 
matters of great interest 200 years ago, and disputes as to the rights 
of individuals and as to the natural water courses arose at once. 
What would Bienville, or the people of his day say, could they see 
the splendid levee system now existing and maintained in the Mis- 
sissippi Valley.? 

.As the Louisiana of those days reached from the Gulf of Mexico 
to the Great Lakes and included mineral stores the search for them was 
maintained and lead mines were quite a feature. 

Slave labor was in vogue and negroes were freely imported and 
freely sold. Such was the case throughout all the colonies that now 
comprise the U. S. Federal Union. Some Indians were enslaved 
and were bought and sold, but that phase of hiunan slavery never 
developed to any large proportions. The Indians do not seem to 
have been sufficiently docile for satisfactory enslavement. 

An interesting feature of this issue is Dr. Bispham's accoimt of 
the rivalry of two great branches of the Catholic church for ecclesias- 
tical control of Louisiana. The common motive to the rivals was the 
religious and educational development of all the people, the natives 
included. Dr. Bispham is a careful student and writer and his con- 
tribution to the literature of this epoch is a valuable one. 

Mr. William Keman Dart, one of our younger histcMical writers, 
and one of the Vice-Presidents of our society contributes an essay 
on "Early episodes in Louisiana History," in which Mr. Dart cites 
authority and makes no claim to original research but does give us 
much interesting matter and particularly his accoimt of the Massa- 
cres of the settlers by the Natchez Indians. The Indians here in the 
Western world were fire worshippers, and sim worshippers, appar- 
ently similar to the worship of liie disciples of Zoroaster or Zara- 
thrushta in ancient Persia. These Natchez Indians seem to have 
been of a higher grade than the average American Indian, and the 
data given concerning them in this Bienville number of our quarterly 
we hope will excite more interest in them. 

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8 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Miss Nellie Warner Price's (now Mrs. L. R. Graham) contribu- 
tion of "La Spectacle-de la rue St. Pierre," will be found interesting 
and attractive and suggests what a mine of data lies dormant among 
us today which requires only earnest and careful work to bring 
these data out in attractive form and in such form as will lead us to a 
better appreciation of the work done by Bienville and by his succes- 
sors during the last two centuries. 

We give in this issue a full account of New Orleans' recently 
adopted official flag. The details of the work of the committee in 
charge of the many designs shown and of the difficulties foimd in 
reaching a final conclusion as to the merits of the designs and the 
final division of the honors between two designers and the raising 
of the flag in Jackson Square in January 8, 1918. 

An immense quantity of historical material lies in the archives of 
the historical society not yet classified. In this issue we give some 
thirty pages of abstracts from these official papers which to those 
who can read between the lines clearly show the trials and the tor- 
tures, as well as the peccadilloes of the men and women who began 
our civilization in this then new Western world, which civilization 
has attained its present high level during these two centuries and we 
believe shows to all the world that we in America have chosen the 
best lines for national progression. 

These papers are all suggestive of the work the Louisiana His- 
torical Society is engaged in. It occupies a field fuller of romance 
and tragedy, of successes and of failures, of joys secured and of sor- 
rows realized, than does any other section of our country. The 
Society asks all those interested in any wise in these matters to lend 
a hand and to aid in the good cause of perpetuating Louisiana's 
splendid history. 

The Cabildo wherein we are housed is itself a constant reminder 
of the chief events of the last two centuries. The portraits of the 
chief actors in Louisiana's history for two hundred year$ are there 
displayed. The first hundred years reaches from Bienville to Napoleon 
Bonaparte and Thomas Jefferson, covering the French and Spanish 
domination, the second, from Thomas Jefferson to Woodrow Wilson 
covering the acquisition of Louisiana by Thomas Jefferson, covering 
the wars of 1812, of 1846, the Civil War and now reaching to the 
European War of which the end is not yet. 

Again we may say, lend a hand and. make our Louisiana Historical 
Society the chief of its kind. 


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The Louisiana 
Historical Quarterly 

Vol. 1, No, 3 January 8, 1918 


Discours de M. E. F. Genoyer: 

Monsieur le Matte, Messieurs les Membres du Canseil Municipal et du **Bi-Centennial 

Mesdames et Messieurs: 

Je demande k vous dire quel honneur et quel plaisir c'est pour moi, de me trouver 
aujourd'hui au milieu de vous dans raccueillante maison municipale de cette grande 
belle cit6 et d'ltre appel6 k prendre la parole devant une aussi sympathique assistance, 
en des circonstances particuli^ement flatteuses pour le repr6sentant k la Nouvelle 
Orleans du Gouvemement de la R6publique FVangaise. 

Mes sentiments de reconnaissance vont tout sp^cialement vers le premier 
magistrat de la ville, dont le nom, devenu id synonyme d'aflfabilit6 accueillante 
invoque, dans tous les Etats de TUnion aussi bien qu'en Louisiane, Timage prototype 
de Tadministrateur municipal parfait, du Maire 6nergique, qui, entre mille autres 
bonnes habitudes, possMe celle, bien pratique, de toujours r^ussir dans ce qu'il entre- 

Nous savions que* I'Honorable Martin Behrman ne laissait; jamais 6chapper 
une occasion de nous t^moigner sa sympathie et la sollicitude dont il est anim6 k 
regard de notre colonie; mais, aussi habitu6 que Ton puisse gtre aux attentions d61i- 
cates, elles ne laissent pas cependant de toujours vous faire le plus grand plaisir: 
Quand, acceptant I'invitation qui lui 6tait adress6e par la ville de Paris, votre Maire 
envoya en France une d616gation de N6o-Orl6anais choisis parmi les notabilit6s les 
plus distingu^ pour repr6senter la Municipality aux f^tes du Bi-Centenaire de la 
Nouvelle Orl6ans nous en fOmes certainement tr^ fiatt^; nous sommes aujoiird'hui 
tr^ touches de llieiu-euse id6e qu'il a eue de nous convier k une reunion destin6e k 
marquer la communaut6 de pensie qui anime nos deux peuples, afin que les c6r6monies 
frangaises aient leur 6cho imm^diat sur les rives du Mississip. Je suis heureux de 
Toccasion qui m'est ofiferte de Ten remerder publiquement. 

Aujoiird'hui, k cette mSme heure qui nous trouve r6unis id, Paris est en fftte, 
Paris la ville lumi^ dont Tfeclatant prestige moral, artistique, litt6raire et sdentifique 
ne peut §tre temi^par les t^n^bres de llieiu-e pr6sente. Paris la dapitale intellectuelle 
du monde, a, pour un jour, d6pouill6 les v^tements sombres et rev^tu ses atours, — 

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10 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

parce qu'aujoiird'hui Paris c^^bre joyeuaement ranniversaire de sa soeur d'Am^que 
de cette perle Louisianaise qui fiit elle aussi line fille de France, fille ch6rie et choy6e, 
jamais oubli6e bien qu'dle ai dd quitter sa famiUe d'origine pour entrer dans la grande 
famille Am^caine, unissant ainsi k tout jamais nos deux nations. 

Et certes, Messieurs, le Gouvemement et le peuple-frangais ont raison d'aina 
se r6jouir. C'est avec fiert6 que nous, enfants de France, rest^s dans la vieille patrie 
d'oil nos aieux communs virent partir Bienville et ces pionniers qui avec lui vinrent 
porter sur les .c6tes du grand Golfe les bienfaits de la civilisation £urop6enne, nous 
pouvons tendre la main k nos cousins am^cains et admirer Toeuvre ^cdbmplie 
par les fils d^ andens colons. Sur la plage oii il y ^ deux cents ans d^barqu^ent les 
compagnons de Jean Baptiste Lemoine, ]k oil ne se trouvaient alors que dunes de sable et 
marais, Tindustrie humaine, la perseverance et Tintelligence d'ufi pei^le jeune et 
6nergique ont fait naltre une ville que est devenue la m^tropole du Sud de TUnion 
et une des cit^s les plus actives et prosp^res du monde. ... A Itieure de son quad- 
ruple jubil6, la Nouvelle Orleans se doit de relever orgueilleusement sa velle t^te de 
puissante cr6ole, car elle a le droit d'etre fi^re de chacune des deux cents ann6es de 
son existence, ann6es toujours bien empby6es puisqu'il nous est permis d'admirer 
aujourd'hui le merveilleux rfsultat de ses efforts: cette belle et riche dte ^ commer- 
Cante et prosp^re, allant toujours de Tavant, grdce k I'impulsion que lui donne sans 
cesse Tadministration munidpale actuelle si ^nergique et avis6e. 

Mais, Mesdames et Messieurs, en ce jour, ff^kce aux drconstances h^n^ues 
des ann6es tragiques que nous vivons, la calibration parisienne sort des limites tout 
d'abord assignees et devient nous manifestation nationale. Certes, en tout temps, il 
nous aurait 6te pr^deux k nous autres Frangais de France de f^ter la Nouvelle Orleans, 
son Bi-Centenaire, sa prosperity actuelle et ses touchants souvenirs; mais, TaurioDS 
nous fait cependant avec autant d'enthousiasme et d'^motion reconnaissante, si, 
derriere la deputation dvile que vous nous avez envoyee, n'apparaissaient les uni- 
formes kakis des l^ons americaines?. . lis soiit venus vos tiers jeunes hommes; les 
voyez-vous debarquer en France, prouvant k Tunivers attentif que la democratic du 
Nouveau Monde ne pouvait pas rester sourde k Tappd des defenseurs du bon droit et 
de la justice? lis arrivent sur la terre gauloise, consdents de leur role glorieux, pr€ts 
k donner leurs vies pour que la dvilisation latine qui leur fiit appcntee il y il deux 
dedes par le sieur de Bienville ne perisse pas ^ sa sourqe meme. lis savent que sur 
le champ d'honneur toutes les dettes d'amour et de gratitude seront payees, et leur 
coeur fremit k Tunisson de tous les cpeurs fran^ais, alc»rs qu'en llionneur des amis de 
toujours et des nouveaux allies la France enti^re raisonne d'uii joyeux vivat. 

Montrons que nous les comprenons, que novis sommes dignes des sacrifices 
qu'ils se preparent k accomplir, en unissant les deux grades democraties dont nous 
sommes si fiers d'etre les enfants dans le meme cri de nos poitrines et de nos coeurs: 

"Vive TAmerique, ^ve la France." 

" Honor abk Mayor, Members of the Bi-CerUennial CommiUee, 
Ladies and Gentlemen: 
**l wish to express the great honor and great pleasure it is fcMr me to be present 
today in the munidpal building of this great and beautiful dty and to be requested 
to speak before such a sympathetic assembly on the occasion of circumstances parti- 
cularly flattering for the government's representative of the French republic in New 
Orleans. I wish to extend, very particularly, expressions of gratitude to the first 
magistrate of the dty whose name, synonymous of great affability, has acquired in 
all the States of the Union, as well as in Louisiana, the prototype picture of the per- 

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Address of Consul Genoyer 11 

feet, municipal administrator, the energetic Mayor who, with a thousand other 
good qualities, possesses the practical one of being always successful in every- 
thing he undertakes. 

"We all know that the Honorable Martin Behrman never overlooked the least 
importunity to express the sympathy and sdidtiide which animate him in regard to 
our cdony . But, as accustomed as we can be to delicate and thoughtful attention, they 
never fail, however, to arouse, always the greatest pleasure. When accepting the invita- 
tion which was addressed to him by the City of Paris, your Mayw sent to France, a 
del^ation of New Orleanians chosen from among the most distinguished and notable 
men to represent the municipality at the celebration of the Bi-Centennial of New 
Orleans, w^ were certainly most highly flattered. 

"We are, today, deei^y touched by the happy idea he had to invite us to a re- 
union destined to express our communion of thoughts, which animates the people 
of our two nations so that the French celebration would have a spontaneous echo on 
the banks of the great Mississippi. I am happy of the (^portunity which is aff^ded 
me to thank him publicly. 

"Today, at the same hour at which we are here imited, Paris is rejoicing. Paris, 
the luminous city, with its brilliant moral, artistic, literary and scientific prestige, 
cannot be tarnished by the circumstances of the present hoiu*. Paris, the intellectual 
capital of the world, has for this day discarded her somber vestments and has donned 
her brilliant attire. Paris is triumphantly celebrating the anniversary of her sister 
of America, of the Louisianian pearl which was also a daughter of France, a cherished 
and most beloved daughter never fcnrgotten, although she was separated fix>m her 
original family to enter in the great American family, thus uniting forever our two 

"And indeed, gentlemen of the government, the French people have a right to 
rejoice; it is with pride that we. natives of France left in the mother land descen- 
dants of the compatriots of Bienville and of the pioneers who with him, came and 
brought on the coast of the great gulf, the benefits of the European civilization, we 
can extend the hand to our American cousins and admire the work accomplished by 
the sons of the ancient cok>nists, on the bank on which 200 years ago, landed Jean 
Baptiste Lemoine; there where nothing could be found but sand and marshes. The 
human industry, the perseverance and the intelligence of a people, young and energetic, 
have i»xMnoted the growth of a dty which is now the metropolis of the South of the 
Union and one of the most active and most prosperous cities of the world. 

"At the hour of her double jubilee. New Orleans can raise proudly her beauti- 
ful head because she has the right to be proud of each of the 200 years of her exis- 
tence, years always well employed, and we are permitted to admire today, the mar- 
velous results of her efforts — that beautiful, bountiful and rich city so commercial 
and prospo-ous, always going forward, due to the impulsion which is incessantly 
given her by the triumphal administration, so wise and so energetic. 

"But, ladies and gentlemen, due on this day to the heroic circumstances of the 
tragic years we are living, the Parisian celebration leaves, at first, the limits assigned 
and becomes a national manifestation. Certainly at all times it would have been 
most precious for us— Frenchmen of France — to celebrate the fotmding of New 
Orleans, her Bi-Centennial, her actual prosperity and her touching souvenirs, how- 
ever, would we have done so, with so much enthusiasm and gratifying emotion if, 
beyond the dvil ddegation you have sent, did not appear the khaki uniform of the 
American Legion? 

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12 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

"They have arrived — ^your proud young men. Do you see them landing in 
France, giving to the attentive univerae that the democracy of the new world 
could not remain dxmib at the appeal of Justice? They arrived on the Gaulian Land, 
and conscious of this glorious role, ready to give their lives that the Latin civilization 
which was brought to them two centuries ago by Sieur de Bienville does not perish 
at its source; they know that on the battlefidd of honor, all the debts of love and 
gratitude will be said and their hearts beat in unis(»i with all the hearts of France. 
Now, in honor of her friends, forever, and of the new allies, Ftance in its entirety is 
jubilant and rejoiciiig today. 

"Let us prove that we are wwthy of the great sacrifice they are preparing to 
accomplish in uniting the two democracies of which we are so i»x>ud to be the chil- 
dren — ^with the same feelings in our hearts and in our whole beings let us exclaim: 

"Vive America; Vive la France." 

Delivered in French and translated by Mrs. Victc»ia Mermillod Jones. 

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OCTOBER 24, 1917. 

By T. P. Thompson. 
{Delivered by him at the Bi-centennial meetings New Orleans, 
October 24, 1917.) 

It would seem that the Creator of this world made instinct the 
ultimate and logiical Western trend of its population. He started 
its peopling in Asia, and with this plan of their eventual migration 
Westward, how necessary it was that there should be formed for 
man's last assembling place, a habitat of nature's best resources. 

This objective of the strongest and the proven was located in a 
temperate zone, and a great belt of varied soil with proper topography 
was provided, and kept virgin for the eventual occupancy of God's 

Thus was wonderfully fashioned the great basin of the Western 
Continent, and in charge of it, temporarily, were placed. the original 
foresters, — ^a simple people, — ^the Indians, — to await the slow grind- 
ing of God's mills, imtU the final development of the earth's most 
finished product, — ^man, — ^into a Democracy. 

Many charts and maps were drawn during the first three hundred 
years following the discovery by Columbus of this new Western 
world, showing the location of its natives and the distribution as they 
came, of these new people who pioneered from Europe. 

When time was at last ripe, and the spirit of seventy-six sprang 
into existence, there was, as yet, but a narrow strip of what is now 
known as Atlantic seaboard peopled by whites. Plantations of im- 
known depths, reaching back into dark forests, where the red man 
awaited to be relieved of his curatorship; to be pxished b^ck and seg- 
regated into selected reservations. Today they yet remain with us, 
and are witnesses to the care and providential disposition which the 
Merciful Father ordained, as a means by which there should be de- 
livered to this best beloved and most favored sons, this paradise of 
plenty, — ^the Mississippi Valley, — ^held long years for Democracy's 
tritimphant habitat during the final millenixmi, before our last reckon- 
ing and reward. 

"Armageddon! One thousand years of Peace! then Heaven, all 
iot a perfected people." Thus reads the Scriptures, Our interpre- 
tation would take it that the great Western Valley of the Mighty 

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14 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Mississippi is the last training ground of God's chosen, — ^the heart 
of a world's Democracy! 

It has been the part of Bienville and his successors who had 
charge of the mouth of the Mississippi river, to render a peculiar 
service to the perfected American nation, as we know it today. 

The original French settlers of Louisiana were the pioneers 
princeps of this Southern Gateway. They "builded better than they 
knew," — ^they served, and today we must honor them, — ^their bravery 
and loyalty to duty as they conceived it, for it was their indomitable 
courage and tenacity which enabled them to maintain organizaticm, 
to fight disease, starvation, and the Indian, as well as jealous Euro- 
peans, who would, but for them, have usurped and colonized for their 
own kings this fair valley. 

We may not say that the early French knew that they were 
furthering the cause of liberty and democracy while they held to this 
fair valley. From LaSalle, on through Iberville and Bienville to 
Aubrey,— from 1682 to 1769, but the strike made in 1769 by liberty 
loving de Noyan and others, indicated that Freedom's air was being 
scented, soon to be demonstrated at Mecklenburg and Lexington by 
pioneers of democracy, more numerous and mature. 

We desire today to draw attention to the service rendered our 
present nation of 100,000,000 freemen, by those whom Providence 
originally had placed in this delta, and who maintained for nearly 
one hxmdred years, the guardianship of this great South Gate of the 
future American Republic. 

. The United States could not today be a power of the first-class, 
if it had not also been for France and Frenchmen, all moving accord- 
ing to their lights towards the same goal, mankind's freedom: Mar- 
quette, LaSalle, Tonty, Iberville, Bienville, Louis XIV, the Duke of 
Orleans, Louis XV, Napoleon, Lafayette, Rochambeau, and many 
more, did their part in the evolution and logical working-out process, 
which today is concreted into the American nation. 

DeTocqueville, nearly a himdred years ago, predicted the future 
of Louisiana, saying: "The Valley of the Mississippi is, upon the 
whole, the most magnificent dwelling place prepared by God for man's 
abode," a prophecy by a French sociologist and historian, who seems 
to have foreseen the day of democracy's championship, as expressed 
by Woodrow Wilson, the student of history, who now leads America. 

The Spanish were the Original discoverers of the River, — but 
theirs was a search for gold, and it remained for the Jesuit Missionary, 
Marquette, and Joliet, the merchant, to begin things in 1672, with 
their pioneer journey to the mouth of the Arkansas. LaSalle was 

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Bicentennial of Founding of New Orleans 15 

commissioned by France, ten years later, to take possession and to 
build forts for the protection of Louisiana, which he had named in 
honor of Louis XIV and Anne of Austria. 

Then came the redoubtable Lemoyne brothers, Iberville and 
Bienville, — ^who colonized. His elder brothers having died, it was 
Bienville's part to carry on for France this Western province, and 
whsxi challenged by Captain Barr and Coxe of Carolina on the 
waters of the Mississippi, his already located iort, and his authoritative 
voice in response, quieted for the time the first menace to the in- 
fant settlement of the lower valley. 

Two himdred years ago, today, in Paris, there met the Western 
Company, headed by John Law, recently organized to exploit the 
trade and colonization of the Province of Louisiana, which had been 
claimed for the Crown of France by LaSalle thirty-five years before. 
Iberville had been sent in 1698 to colonize and set up government, 
and his successors had tried several sites for a capital: Dauphin 
Island, Mobile and Biloxi. 

A letter was read at this meeting by D'Artaguette. It was from 
the faithful Bienville, and it told of a crescent bjend in the Father of 
Waters, where Lake Ponchartrain almost reached the river through 
bayou St. John, a place about halfway by water between Mobile and 
Natchez, recently located, easy of access, and safe from tidal wave 
and hurricane. 

Bienville had, by seventeen years of residence, learned intimately 
the country, and he asked authority to set up the seat of government 
on the Mississippi river. 

His advice was acted upon, and a Cross of St. Louis sent him 
with the Commission of Governor-General of Louisiana. These 
honors he received on February 9th, 1718, — ^the bi-centenary of which 
we are shortly to celebrate. 

The Province of Louisiana comprised then all terrain drained by 
the Mississippi and its tributaries. This meant a stretch of coxmtry 
from Lake Chatauqua to Yellowstone Park, larger than France 
and continental Europe, today holding a population of some sixty 
million people, the purest of Americans, democracy's most stalwart 

Bienville was authorized by the John Law Company to manage 
its interest, and the Regent of Prance conmiissioned him Governor 
of the Province, — ^all on this day, two hundred years ago, in Paris. 
The Ehike of Orleans, then in control, gave great credit to the inde- 
fatigable Bienville, and Bienville, in February following, named the 
infant capital in honor of his house, "Orleans." This appellation. 

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16 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

prefixed by "Nouvelle," gives it a title of great significance, and an 
intimate pseudonym we like is: "Paris of America." We have ever 
tried to live up to this name with our Opera and Carnival, our cuisine 
and shops, and our seriously gay poptdation, who combine, consist- 
ently, industry with the pleasure of living, who go to church and who 
give staunch support today to our great Republic. Loyal and liberty 
loving, under one — the only Flag— yet fond of traditions that lead 
back to France, to which our hearts yearn in sympathy this day. 

Bienville located New Orleans, gave the name and laid out the 
Vieux Carr6. He governed benignly and in a most fatherly way. 
He asked that a school faculty be sent over, also nurses for a hospital. 
He invited these noble ladies — the Ursulines — ^to occupy his house 
while their Convent was being built, a knightly offer, which they 
accepted, he moving to smaller quarters for the three years involved. 
Later, that the coimtry might be made social, as well as civil, he 
asked France to send over wives for his colonists. That the menace 
of Indians should not stop this progress, he campaigned against the 
Natchez in several battles, conquering and dispersing this warlike 
tribe, and pushing on to the Chickasaw nation, helping in the French 
Indian wars, and doing continuous and valiant service in the peopling 
of the Mississippi Valley, also in the promotion of friendly relations 
with the Choctaws; not forgetting to placate and to establish proper 
trade relations with our Spanish neighbors. In short, Bienville was 
a business man, a diplomat, a Christian gentleman ccwnbined, and a 
soldier in this country for fifty-six years. A long active life time, this, 
with all of his thought and energy directed towards the care of his 
early settlements at the mouth of the Mississippi. He lived to see the 
finiition of his plans and the proper organization of colonial govern- 
ment, with peaceful conditions established with Indian and Spaniard, 
all now ready for the great changes which the settlement of the upper 
valley was bringing, and the wonderful river traffic that ^jras shortly to 
begin, and which soon made New Orleans a great world's port; 

The flat boat commerce was just beginning to appear when 
Bienville retired to France because of increasing age. Louisiana was 
shortly after his departure transferred to Spain. This was in 1763. 
The people did not desire to change flags. They stood for either 
France or Democracy. An earnest appeal was made to Bienville, 
whl was now in Paris. 

Le Moyne's best work was to seek the King and to beg to secure 
from harm his faithful subjects in Louisiana. To his last day, full of 
faith in New Orleans, this founder and builder of the Crescent City, 

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Bicentennial of Founding of New Orleans 17 

expressed his fatherly love and fidelity to our small, but nobly con- 
ceived capital. 

The first blood of martyrdom to freedom's cause in America, 
happened as a consequence of the King's failure to take Bienville's 
advice. The Spanish came and our people rebelled, and the spirit 
of Democracy in America had its embryo suggestion here at the mouth 
of the Mississippi. 

The Bi-Centennial of the founding of New Orleans by Bienville 
will be celebrated in February next in our city. 

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(In one of the Official Municpal Bulletins of the City of Paris^ 
November 11, 1917.) 

Reception at the City Hall of Paris of the 
New Orleans Representatives. 

The municipality received at the City Hall at 3 p. m. on the 
26th day of October, 1917, the Hon. Andr6 Lafargue, chairman of the 
delegation from New Orleans and his colleagues: General Behan, 
and Messrs. VergnoUe and Paul Villere, who had come to Paris for 
the celebration of the Bi-Centennial of the foimding of New Orleans. 

Mr. Frazier, Secretary of the United States Embassy, represent- 
ing His Excellency, Ambassador Sharp, (who was ill). 

General Allaire, representing General Pershing, Commander-in- 
Chief of the American troops in France. 

Mr. Hanotaux, former minister, President of the French-Ameri- 
can Committee. 

Mr. d'Estoumdles de Constant, Senator. 

Commander Mahan, military attachee of the United States 

Mr. Hovelaque, President of the Bi-centennial committee of the 
foimding of New Orleans. 

Professor Baldwin. 

Mr. B. J. Shoninger, former President of the American Chamber 
of Conmierce, Paris. 

Mr. Lawrence V. Bennet, President of the American Club of 

Mr. Frederick Allen, American Marine Lieutenant. 

Mr. Vidal de la Blache, member of the Institute. 

Mr. Gaston Deschamps. 

Mr. le Vicomte d'Avenel. 

Mr. John Labusquiere, former Mimicipal Coimcillor of Paris, 
Director of the German and the Bernard Palissy schools. 

Mr. Abel Lafleur, author of the medal which was to be offered to 
the city of Paris by the New Orleans Mimicipality. 

Mr. Jaray, director of the France- American Review. 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 19 

These personages on their arrival at the City Hall, were led to the 
cabinet of the President of the Municipal Council, where they were 
received by: 

Mr. Ambroise Rendu, vice-president of the Municipal Council, 
replacing President Adrien Mithouard (who was ill.) 

Mr. Delanney, Prefect of the Seine. 

Mr. Hudelo, Prefect of Police. 

Mr. Deslandes, President of the General Council. 

Messrs. Lalon, Pointel, Fiancette, secretaries of the Municipal 

Messrs. Ernest Gay, Mayer, Froment-Meurice, Delavenne, vice- 
presidents of the General Council. 

Messrs. Fontaine, Aucoc, Delpech, Loyan, secretaries of the 
General Coimcil. 

Mr. Andre Gent, syndic of both Councils. 

Messrs. Achille, Alpy, d'Andigne, Chausse, Cherioux, Dausset, 
Deville, Dherbecourt, Henaflfe, Lallement, Lamprie, Le Corbeiller, Le 
Menuet, Levee, Paris, Peuch, Ranvier, Rebeillard, Municipal Coun- 

Messrs. Bachelet, Guibourg, Marin, Vandrin, General Coimcillors. 
The directors of the Prefecture of Police; Colonel Lanty, commanding 
the legion of the Republican Guard. 

The representatives of the municipal press after apposing their 
signature in the Golden Book, and the personages present, preceded 
by the ushers of the Mimicipal Coimcil, and accompanied by the 
representatives of the municipality of Paris went to the salon des 
Lettres, Sciences et Arts, where the following addresses were delivered. 

Address by Mr. Ambroise Rendu, vice-president of the Mimicipal 


My first words must voice regret. The Ambassador of the United States, 
who had promised to honor this reunion with his presence is unfortunately absent, 
kept away by sickness, which we all hope will be of short duration. I must then, 
before tendering my thanks and homage to the New Orleans Delegation, express 
in the name of all, the regret for Ambassador's absence. 

Gentlemen Delegates: 
Orleans 1429, New Orleans 1718! 

These names and these dates, at an interval of three centuries, are inscribed 
in our annals and in our hearts. 

Before the towers of Orleans, just as Dimois had sounded the retreat Jeanne 
cried out: "The banner touches the wall. Bold and enter, all is ours." And never 
was flock of birds seen to alight more swiftly in a thicket than these men went up the 
said bulwarks. 

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20 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

These few lines of the chronicler show the return of fortune which was to re- 
store to France her territory and her rank. 

"The year one thousand four himdred and twenty-nine," writes Christine de 
Pisan, "the sun shone again." 

And it was the sun again rising for France, when her children, a swarm vigor- 
ous and bold, went to found beyond the Atlantic, a new "Orleans." 

The race had grown, its power was established by as many exploits as master- 
pieces and it overflowed on the New World. 

Bienville, the founder of the young dty, placed it south of St. Louis, another 
French town on the Mississippi. Do I need to say what she is today? But can we 
not also affirm that the entry of the Americans in the arena, in 1917, made new stars 
shine in our darkened sky? With them fortune returned to us, and many victories 
demonstrate that French blood is still warm and generous. 

Of this you are judges, gentlemen delegates from New Orleans, and I may 
greet you as fellow citizens who reenter their mother-country. 

You are also the offspring of that race of brave men who never despaired even 
in the sombre days of history and who have embellished it with the superb pages 
which are the marvel of the world. 

Facing that past common to us both we may be proud of those great ancestors 
who freed the invaded soil with Jeaime d'Arc, who went to plant the banner of France 
in far and immense regicms hardly wrenched from savage nations; who sixty years 
later, with Montcalm, Lafayette, Rochambeau, and so many others, brought their 
sword to liberate the United States. 

Without overpride can we not declare that our country has always been the 
champion of great causes, as well during the war of a hundred years as during the 
struggles for American independence, and in the sublime epopee which lasts since 
three years. (Applause.) 

Be also proud, gentlemen, of this country from which you issue and who wel- 
comed your soldiers as brothers too long separated. Our imion is the token of our 
success: it insures the triumph of right and liberty now as in times past. 

You have said it in your letter of introduction and I caimot do better than 
copy it: 

"Our delegation will consider it a pleasure and an honor to wait on you upon 
our arrival in Paris. We are commissioned by His Honor, the Mayor, to tell 
you how much New Orleans finds the moment propitious to affirm once more the lofty 
and legitimate pride it feels in reason of its French origin. As a matter of course 
New Orleans cannot lose sight of the fact that what constitutes the subtle charm and 
special culture of New Orleans comes to her from France, from that France who 
more than ever astonishes the whole world, amazes and dazzles it by its spirit of 
valiance and sacrifice. What thanks we owe you! My dear Colleagues, allow me to 
speak of our guests, the New Orleans delegates, who have been well chosen. They 
represent every branch of municipal activity. 

On this score they will be good advisers and we shall be pleased to show them 
everything beautiful and useful made in our great city. 

Besides, what need have they of guides? Here, as in their home, the streets, 
and avenues bear familiar names: Chartres, Royale, Dauphine, Dumaine, LaHarpe, 
Laperouse, Lafayette, les Champs Elysees. 

In Paris they are in their beautiful city, as we too would feel at home in theirs 
if the war did not prevent our making plans and our responding to their most cordial 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 21 

I now wish to mention this detail which will not escape our amiable and saga- 
cious visitors: Paris is established on a bend of the Seine and this position gives it 
quays and ports. New Orleans was placed by its ingenious founder on the crescent 
of the Mississippi, from this its prodigiotis development; and there, as well as here, 
it is French they speak. Perhaps our cousins of Louisiana have preserved, as in Cana- 
da, the strong outlines of the language of the 17th century which has altered much in 
the mother-country. 

Besides what signify shades when the same Mood makes their hearts beat. 
We speak the same language ^nce we have the same thoughts and the same ideal. 
(Good! Good!) 

Gentlemen delegates: In our city you are as in your own home. Paris recog- 
nizes you as its own, and I am more proud than I can say to have been chosen as the 
interpreter of the day. Be assured that I very imperfectly express our affectionate 
feelings. (Applause.) 

Visit then the industrious and fecimd hive of which the city hall is the centre 
of attraction. Mimidpal life never slackens, and in the worst days it was not removed. 

It remains but to welcome you and to make you visit the city hall, in the ab- 
sence of the President, whom fatigue has temporarily kept away, and whose echo 

The entire municipal council, the conscript fathers, as well as the youth held 
at the front, all imite with me in fraternally lK>lding out our hands. How can we 
best thank you for your visit and the voyage which you have not feared to undertake 
at the risk of so much fatigue and real dangers. Such testimonies are never forgot- 
ten and are the seal of an enduring friendship, and I shall add a definite allianoe 
between us. 

Gentlemen of New Orleans, cmce more, "Thank You." (Applause.) 

Address by Mr. Delaney, Prefect of the Seine: 


Welcome to the City Hall of Paris. 

We have already received from yoiu- great country a thousand proofs of sym* 
pathy, this one touches us more intimately perhaps. It comes from a city which 
bears the name of an old provincial metropolis of ours; our language resounds in your 
streets and in your public places, and we do not ignwe the fact that among you 
there are hearts beating for France, not as a friend, but as a venerated ancestor. 
Yes our friendship is delicate and profound and it draws its strength as much from 
the past as from the present, reciprocal esteem enriches and fosters it, but what 
makes it dear and ennobles it rests on cult of memory. (Applause.) 

We then celebrate with pride common to both the origin of your beautiful 
and powerful dty, which under a sky radiant with light and joy, unites the exuber- 
ance of the tropics and the graces of cities of the sun to the most and modem and 
methodical organization, harmoniously combining the most different civilizations, 
taking from the Latin world its imagination and its vivacity and retaining the Anglo- 
Saxon coolness, perseverance and preciseness; 2fad we must also commemorate the 
creativeness of the first pioneers from France who laid the base of the solid edifice, 
whose vailant energy, initiative spirit, and profound faith in the future we love to 
recaU. (Good! Good!) 

The immense and mysterious solitudes of Louisiana, the grand and majestic 
course of the Missisappi brought to their minds the thought of a marvelous future. 
What imagination, however, could have risen to the foresight of actual reality. 

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22 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

What our pioneers could not foresee is the entire American continent fecundated , 
one hundred million free men addicted, under just laws, to perfecting life, a himdred 
prodigious cities bustling with activity, the initiative- spirit always on the alert, the 
countless instances of invention and daring held up to the admiration df the world, 
brilliant, intellectual culture united to material prosperity, in fine, gentlemen, an 
admirable consciousness of the moral solidarity of himianity in that great people 
standing for the defense of right. (Applause.) 

New world! Gentlemen, we hold that word as a symbol. A day will come, 
perhaps soon, when that name will no longer be given to your continent which took 
the best frc»n the ancient and left her, alas, the sadness of sanguinary strife. The 
new world! Our united soldiers already descry it beyond the trenches: it is concord 
delivered from evil powers and founded on respect for eternal justice." 

Address by Mr. Hudelo, Prefect of Police : 


But a few mcmths have elapsed since the day that the United States, by Presi- 
dent Wilson's voice, announced to the world that it entered the ranks of the defenders 
of right and liberty. We have already experienced how much strength and grandeur 
such a resolution carried with it; for this war fcmnidable by the number of men therein 
engaged, and by the power of the material for combat, this war was to carry down to 
history the spectacle of a nation sending beyond the sea citizens coldly resolute, 
conscious of liieir duty towards humanity, and crossing thousands and thousands of 
kilometers over the Atlantic to become the guardians of the fire which shed its 
light on free nations; You have come with the proud qualities of your race, your 
lungs filled with the pure air of your plains, your mind sustained by the practical 
and useful formiilas of your cities, with hardened muscles and ardent hearts. You 
have come to us who were never more deserving of the name of old world, since there 
was still in this world a people sufficiently attached to the forms of the first centuries 
to halt the flowery bloom of a civilization of peace under hatred, by fire and blood. 

Yoiu- General in Chief, your officers, your soldiers have met a vibrant welcome 
in Paris. They traversed the dty between two living hedges; they received acclama- 
tion in which mingled the gloved hand of the woman of the world, the laugh of the 
''musette," and the reflection of the "gavroche." In our city veiled by the shadow 
of mourning they threw flowers to yoiu* fellow citizens, and fathers, mothers, and 
children who had made the most bitter sacrifice to their country, found at the pass- 
ing of the American troops a smile of gratitude and hope. (Applause.) 

This beautiful attitude of our Parisian crowd, so prompt to give itsdf to those 
it loves, will not astonish you, gentlemen, who on the American continent omtinue 
the traditions of our Latin «oil. Does not your presence here today prove this? 

It did not suffice that you sent soldiers, expression of the will to vanquish the 
enemy's pretensions of conquest; you were to bring fresh assurance of the fraternity 
of fedings which animate the two republics, at a time when our banners are to mingle 
on the same battle field. To this assurance you have mcHreover added the touching 
affirmation of faithful remembrance of the French soil kept through two centuries 
by the descendants of those, who with Jean de Bienville, created the fi-ee city of 
New Orleans. 

Everything here in Paris should assure you that you are at home. Our clasped 
hands, our looks comprehending each other, and that delicate emotion from which 
is bom the certitude of mutual affection, tell you better than words how cordial 
and sincere our welcome is. 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 23 

There is not even a promenade in our dear Paris which will not produce th< 
illusion that you have not crossed the ocean; our constructions recall your houses, 
our crowd is like yours, active, varied and curious, its women supple and adorned 
with native el^[ance, its men of alert and disengaged manner, with that indefinable 
harmony of a people enamored of its work and*Uberty. 

Let me then believe, evoking the perennial aspect of the present hour, that in 
the lives of nations there are monuments more lasting than cities, perpetuated through 
the centuries and before which history halts a moment to rest from bloody struggles 
and war devastations. These monuments are foimdation stones laid by citizens 
united by the same origin, by feehngs which spring from kindred hearts, and whose 
thoughts, a^irations and desires mingle in an individual soul. You have come to- 
day, leaving the banks of your great luminous river to those of the more modest 
Seine to raise cxie of these grand monuments. The anniversary of the founding of 
your dty will be in the coming centuries the day when Paris and New Orleans, their 
eyes turned to the battle front, vibrating with the same hopes, allied for the same 
destinies, founded the monument of an infinite and fraternal friendship. (Applause.) 

Address by Mr. Deslandres, President of the General Council: 


Allow me at the outset to thank my excellent colleague, the President of the 
Municipal Council, for having invited me to this festival, thus giving the population 
of the Seine the occasion to express through me its welcome and its gratitude for the 
step you have taken, and which from present events borrows a special signification. 

In the hour that France tmdergoes such bitter trials every sign of affection, 
every wwd of comfort, every manifestation of solidarity cannot fail to touch us deep- 
ly; but we are especially moved by the mission you fulfil. We recognize ourselves 
in you; we are of the same race, we have the same traditions, many among you still 
speak our language, our intellectual formation is identical; we are two nations of 
common origin, bearing in our minds the same ideal. You, like us, have faithfully 
preserved the cult of remembrance. For you, and for your half-brothers the Cana- 
dians, beautiful France has ever remained the old cotmtry. Thence the ardent 
demonstrations of friendship of which your visit has been the auspicious occasion. 
(Good! Good!) 

If we greet in you, gentlemen, the representatives of a great city with rights to 
our fraternal affection, we bow down before the citizens of free America, whose in- 
tervention into the conflict which divides the world we celebrated a few months ago. 
It brought to our cause which is that of right the sanction of the greatest and most 
complete of all the den)ocraci^ which have ever existed. (Approbation.) 

That this democracy, essentially pacific, should stand at our side in the struggle 
which for over three years has deluged the world in blood is a matter of astonishment 
for those who recall the cotmsels given by Washington to his fellow citizens in a let- 
ter -which is as the political testament of that great man: ''Europe has certain in- 
terests which are special to her and have no reference or a very indirect reference to 
us. It must then &id itself frequently entangled m quarrels to which we are naturally 
strangers, to attach oiuwlves by artificial links to the vicissitudes of her— of her poli- 
tics, to enter into the different combinations of her friendships and her animosities, 
and to take part in the struggles resulting thereof would be to act imprudently." 

Those do not understand the nature of the drama which is approaching it* 
end. Actually there is no question of a war similar to those of which history offer 

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24 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

80 many examples, struggles in the interest of dynasties for satisfaction of appetites 
or rancors. 

Repeating President Wilson's forcible words neutrality is no longer posdble 
nor desirable, when the world's peace and liberty of nations is menaced. It is to 
safeguard the heritage of humanity -itself that the United States, without spirit of 
conquest, without its own interests being directly threatened has thrown in the 
balance the weight of its sword. (Applause.) 

We can from this moment assert that victory is ineluctable. I go further, 
gentlemen, the consequences of this victory will be incomputable, and we can hope 
that from it will come, reposing on a basis more solid than brass, the society of nations, 
the association of free peoples who alone can assure the world of peaceful morrows. 

Let not our beautiful dream of imiversal concord be treated as Utopian. The 
example of the United States proves that the creation of this confederation of nations 
is in the realm of possibilities. 

At the end of the seventeenth century, when oh the continent, absolute royalty 
was triumphant over feudal anarchy, when in the bosom of brilliant and corrupted 
Eiu-ope the very idea of the rights of man was slighted, misunderstood were the prin- 
ciples on which rested modem constitutions, these same principles were proclaimed 
in the new world and were becoming the future symbol of a great people. (Good! 

The reason is that the colonies, be they of English or of French origin, contained 
the germs of complete democracy. If the pilgrims differed from each other on many, 
points, they had however common traits and they were in a situation almost analo- 
gous. The mighty and the happy ones are rarely those who seek exile and poverty, 
and misfortune is a sure guarantee of equality. 

Accord was then possible between the divers States founded in similar condi- 
tions, and it is a fact that whatever differences that climate, origin and institutions 
may have put between the ninety-five million men who actually trod the soil of the 
United States, the agreement they concluded subsists in its entirety. 

The reason is that man has ideas and sentiments besides material interests. 
For a confederation to be able to pretend to a long life there must be between its 
members more community of ideals than community of interests. 

Well, when Germany, awakened from its bloody dream, will have demanded an 
account from those governing the ruins it has accumulated, when it shall have over- 
thrown the autocracy which still dominates there, but under which yoke it begins to 
grow restless, an accord will be possible between people equally free, equally desir- 
ous of tasting the benefits of a just and enduring peace. (Good!) 

Then the plague of war will be definitely distanced, the spirit of conquest will 
have lived and the nations after having dressed their wounds may prepare a better 
future and take up their march towards light and truth. (Applause.) 

Address by the Honorable Andr6 Lafargue, Chairman of the 
New Orleans delegation: 

Sir, President of the Municipal Council, Gentlemen Prefects, 
Municpal Councillors and Gentlemen: 
In the name of Hon. Martin Behrman, Mayor of New Orleans; of the Muni- 
cipal Council of that city, and of four hundred thousand inhabitants who constitute 
the sympathetic population whose generous hearts and eminently French minds, 
(precious talismans), undoubtedly went forth to us during the perilous crossing 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 25 

we have jiist made, we lay before you in this day of great dvic commemo- 
ration an homage of unbounded admiration and respectful Mendship. (Applause.) 

It is the greeting of the loved daughter to the tender mother in the hour of 
trial and sacrifice; it is the greeting that the New Orleanians since the outset of this 
great conflict have addressed from their hearts and minds to the French people. It 
is the homage of the descendants of the proud and hardy pioneers, who at the price 
of sacrifices and numberless and most incredible traits of heroism, two himdried years 
ago, in a r^on peopled with hostile savages, founded this ancient colony bearing 
the sweet name of "Louisiana," which of itself when it is pronounced spontaneously 
evokes such an illustrious past of French colonization that history has never recorded 
the like. In fine it is the homage of a whole population whose traditions and customs 
are indissolubly linked to those of yoiu- country, and who, though justly proud of 
being part of the great republic of the United States, cannot lose sight of what it owes 
to France, to its people, to French genius, and especially the gratitude incumbent 
on it to the city of Light, to Paris, the brain of the world, who conceived and executed 
in the beginning of the eighteenth century, the establishment and definite foundation 
of the great city my colleagues and myself have the honor to represent on this solemn 
occasion. (Good! Good!) 

And never, I assure you, homage was conveyed and tendered with more sincere 
affection, loyalty and enthusiasm, for do we not count as yours since more than two 

When William the cursed, William the infamous, William the execrated of nations 
present and to come, in a fit of diabolic pride had imchained the tempest of iron and 
fire which fell upon the peaceful French nation and her allies, my fellow-coimtrymen, 
the New Orleanians, notwithstanding the presidential order given them to preserve 
a neutral and impartial attitude towards the belligerents, cried to you, across the 
seas, that they were with you body and soul, that they shared your anguish and your 
mourning as well as your glories and your triumphs. (Applause.) 

The voice of the descendants of Bienville, d'Iberville, Noyan, Marquis, Milhet, 
Villere and Doucet, of all those whose names figure in flaming characters in the his- 
tory of Louisiana must have been heard in yoiu* midst above the dash of arms and the 
gigantic struggle in which you are engaged. 

Instinctively, though invisibly, you must have felt in France that we were 
truly with you and that oiu- national duty soldy, deterred us from giving you the 
physical and more tangible proof of our deep attachment and traditional loyalty. 

With Paris, we have lived through the hours of anguish and of feverish prepa- 
rations which preceded the battle of the Mame and when the Prussian soldiery im- 
pudent and insolent was advancing on your fair dty, determined to profane and soil 
it, like the heroic Alsatian, whose image adorns your beautiful garden, of the Tuilleries, 
we answered the enemies who rejoiced beforehand. "Even so!" yes, "even so." 
said we. Even if the barbarous Teutons reduced to silence the exterior line of forti- 
fications which surround Paris; even if the last defenses were carried by assault, 
even if the enemy penetrated almost into the heart of your dty; even if the city had 
faUen into the brutal and sacrilegious hands of the Kaiser's hordes, the struggle 
would not be over. Each dty, each hamlet of France would have to be taken. They 
would have to kill the last Frenchman on that soil of Gaul, watered from end to end 
by the generous blood of her heroic children, before the enemy dared to declare itsdf 
the victor. "And even then," we would add, "victory would not be won, for the des- 
cendants of the French throughout the world, and all those who have inherited the 

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26 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

male energy and greatness of soul of the French people.would rise fierce and implaca- 
ble and in thundering tones would say to the conqueror, barring his way: "Even so." 

We knew that Paris would prove equal to the trial, and that the cause defended 
by the French armies was so beautiful, so grand, so sublime and so truly that of right 
and civilization, that final victory would not remain uncertain and that your old 
historic city would not fall into the enemy's hands. 

We knew in those early days of September, 1914, that the sun of Austerlitz 
would diine once more in all its glory on France and on its capital, and gild again 
the dome of the edifice in which He sleeps his last sleep on the banks of the Sdne, 
who once dictated his laws to the Prussians and to the Austrians. (Very Good! Very 

Our confidence was more than justified for today the sun of Austerlitz has 
become that of the Mame, the greatest victory that democracy has ever gained over 
autocracy and tyranny. (Applause.) ^ 

Paris during this time was not anxious, for Paris, back of its triple surround- 
ings of scientific and modem fortifications, shielded many who had been through 
the painful period of the siege of 1870, who knew of the heroism di^layed by the 
Parisians on that occasion, and whose children would that it might be said of them: 
today. "Talis pater qualis filius." (Applause.) 

We were with you even at that period, and our nation's entry into the war 
only gave us the right to proclaim aloud what we had always felt. This is why we 
come today in full communion of spirit and ideas to celeteite with you the Bi-Cen- 
tennial of the decree authorizing Bienville, your Bienville and our Bienville, to found 
on the banks of the mighty Mississippi, the dty whose children we are, and we hope, 
that in return, you will send us next February a delegation of your compatriots 
commissioned to represent your admirable and eternally limiinous dty at the com- 
menK>ration which we have planned with a view of making a dignified and enduring 
entry in our dvic annals of the 200th anniversary of the arrival of Bienville and his 
brave companicms on the spot where stands today in all her splend(»r as Queen of 
the South, and in all her industrial might. New Orleans, daughter of France and de- 
voted sister of Paris. Your delegation, like ours, will accomplish their pilgrimage 
in safety, for they will be inspired by the proud motto which is yours and which we 
oursdves adopted on setting foot on the steamer which brought us here: "Fluctuat 
nee mergitur." (Double salvo of applause and bravos.) 

Translated from the French by Mrs. Hdoise Hulse Cauzat. 

The Honorable Andr6 Lafargue then read the following letters 
remitted to him at the time of his departiire from New Orleans by his 
His Excellency, R. G. Pleasant, Governor of the State of Louisiana, 
and by the Honorable Martin Behrman, Mayor of New Orleans: 


Baton Rouge, September 25, 1917. 
Honorable Andre Lafargue. 
My dear Lafargue: 

I remit tmder fold a commission naming you as my personal representative 
and delegate of the State of Louisiana that you may represent me as well as the State 
at the bi-centennial ceremonies of the founding of New Orleans which are to take 
place in Paris the 24th and 25th of October this year. 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 27 

I hope that you will not only have a pleasant voyage but a profitable one also , 
and that your visit and that of your colleagues to Paris will be a manifestation which 
will more closely cement the ties of friendship which bind the people of our nation 
and particularly those of the State of Louisiana to those of the great sister republic 
across the sea. 

Kindly express to the authorities of Paris how re^)ectfully devoted I am to 
them and tell them that by you I extend the most cordial invitation to the great peo- 
ple of that glorious city, and to all of France, to send a delegation to Louisiana to 
participate in a commemoration analogous to yours, in New Orleans on the 9th, 
10th and 11th of February, 1918. 

Accept the expression of my highest consideration. 

Governor of the State of Louisiana. 

Hon. Martin Behrman, Mayor. 

September 17th, 1917. 
Mr, Adrien Mithouard, 

President of the Municipal Council of Paris. 
My dear Sir: 

This letter which will be tendered you by the Hon. Andr6 Lafargue, one of our 
honored fellow citizens, whom 1 have delegated very specially as my personal repre- 
sentative and as chairman of the mission that is to participate in the commemor- 
ative ceremonies of the two hundredth anniversary of the founding of New Orleans; 
to take place in your beautiful and historic city on the 24th and 25th of October 
of this year. 

I confide particularly to the Hon. Andr6 Lafargue the care to transmit our 
most cordial greetings and congratulations in the name of the dty of New Orleans 
and its people, and wish him to say, on the occasion of the ceremonies of the 24th 
and 25th, the happy result which we hope will come from the fraternal manifestation 
which will take place between the two municipalities. May I express the hope that 
the city of Paris will be represented at our local ceremonies, which, as I have already 
mentioned, will take place on the 9th, 10th and 11th of February, 1918, and at which, 
I assure you, the representatives of the French Government and the Municipality 
of Paris will receive the most cordial welcome and our distinguished consideration. 

Very sincerely yours, 


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28 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Honorable Andr6 Laf argue next read the text of the official invi- 
tation addressed to the Municipality of Paris by the Municipality 
of New Orleans. This invitation is thus worded: 

1718 - BI-CENTENNIAL - 1918 



September 17, 1917. 

You are respectfully invited to participate in the commemorative exercises of 

the 200th anniversary of the founding of New Orleans, which will take place on the 

9th, 10th, and 11th of February, 1918. 


Mayor of New Orleans, 
President of the Bi-Ceniennial Committee, 
President of the Louisiana Historical Society 

General Behan then expressed himself in these terms: 

Mr. President of the Municipal Council, 

Gentlemen, Members of the Municipal Council, 
Ladies and Gentlemen: 

The amiable invitation which you addressed to the Mayor of the dty of New 
Orleans, mayor whom I have the honor to represent in this patriotic and historic 
circumstance, gives me the pleasure of greeting you. 

We are the representatives of this industrious city of New Orleans founded 
two hundred years 2igo by a decree of your King Louis XV. The instructions of the 
monarch were executed with great courage and a great spirit of sacrifice by Bienville 
and Iberville, two brave and intrepid knights. 

It was French education, it was French blood which enabled them to over- 
come the obstacles and the difficulties presented by a country well nigh impene- 
trable and to found establishments and colonists on the banks of the Mississippi 
and the shores of the Gulf of Mexico. It was an arduous task. At times they had 
to contend against the mighty waters of the Mississippi, at times they had to battle 
with tribes of savage Indians who sought revenge for the arrival of white men from 
France. Bienville intrepidly swept away all opposition and had soon founded a 
colony which today is the richest and most enterprising part of the globe. (Applause.) 

Today this part of the United States of America which was founded and colon- 
ized by your pioneers under Bienville was acquired by us and was turned over to us 
by the greatest of all men, whose ashes rest tmder the gilded dome of the Invalides, 
the man who made his own name imperishable. Napoleon, the unique. 

This great dominion ceded by you 1803 tenders today for your soldiers and your 
people its rice, its sugar, its cotton by hundreds and thousands of tons, its com and 
its wheat by thousands of bushels. 

Its riches and the vigor of its youth come to you to aid you in repulsing from 
France and Belgium the inhuman enemies who have invaded your beautiful country. 

Friends and comrades, of the city of Paris and of the government of France, 
what we are, the great results of which we are capable for your grand republic, for its 
magnificent army and its people, all this must be attributed to your foresight in 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 29 

1718, which conceived the exploration and colonization, with the help of the French 
colonists, Bienville and his brother Iberville, who established themselves on the banks 
of the Mississippi and founded the dty of New Orleans in 1718. (Bravos.) We are 
here today to unite with you in the celebration of that important event which has so 
much relation to the progress of the dty we have the honor of representing and 
with the progress of the country in general. 

At home our French traditions were never lost. They survive in our blood 
and in our customs. (Applause.) In all the United States New Orleans is known 
as the Paris of America, compliment of which we are justly proud, and I hope that 
we shall never lose the French "esprit de corps" innate in the nature of New 
Orleans and of the old province of Louisiana. (Applause.) 

After Gen. Behan, Mr. Hovelaque, President of the Bi-Centennial 
Committee of the foimding of New Orleans, delivered the following 

Mr. President of the Municipal Council of Paris, 
Mr. Prefect of the Seine, 

Messrs. Municipal Councillors: 

I did not expect to speak today, therefore I will simply recall that the Com- 
mittee must remit to the dty of Paris a Commemorative medal; there does not seem 
to be any time more opportune than the moment. 

This done I recall what Mr. Prefect of Pohce said awhile go when he spoke 
of monuments more durable than marble and bronze; in effect the medal which we 
tender you this day commemorates a date; it will remain a remembrance of this day's 
events in a time fraught with momentous importance. I will say that from 
the extrme ends of the world the American nation have come to bring to France* 
aid, friendship and even the last drop of their blood. 

I remit to you, Mr. President of the Munidpal Coundl, this medal brought 
by the ddegates of Nfew Orleans. (Applause.) 

Mr. Hovelaque then gave to Mr. Ambroise Rendu, Vice-Presi- 
dent of the Mimicipal Coimcil, the medal offered to the city of Paris 
by the Paris Bi-Centennial Conmiittee. 

A limch was served in the course of which Mr. Ambroise Rendu, 
Vice-President of the Municipal Coimcil, gave out the following 

"All gratitude and friendship to the Gentlemen, Del^^ates from New Orleans, 
and to their brothers to whona we send our most cordial and affectionate remem- 
brance. We will drink to the health of all, but beforehand allow me to evoke a mem- 
ory: A few weeks ago I was in Bordeaux whilst the Mayw of that large city was 
receiving American ships, representatives of the army and of the navy, and he re- 
called that when Lafayette left Bordeaux in 1777, he had back of him a chosen troop 
of cadets of Gascogne. Among them was one named Michel deLachassaigne: one 
of his grand-sons is here. I called him from the 118th heavy artillery in which he is 
engaged. I ask you to raise your glass with him to our brothers of America. This 
seedier, I beg leave to mention it, is my grand nephew; he bears the same name as his 
grand-fother, Henri de Lachassaigne. (Applause.) 

Gentlemen a toast to the memory of those who liberated the great friendly 

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30 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

At. 5 p. m. the reception terminated. The eve of the reception 
the President of the Municipal Council had received the following 
telegram from the Mayor of New Orleans: 

"On the occasion of the bi-centennial of the decree which established New 
Orleans on the banks of the Mississippi, we are happy to unite with you and our 
representatives in Paris in celebrating this event. We celebrate today in our dty 
hall, commemorative ceremonies in which the representatives of France take part 
with the elite of our dty. Across the ocean we stretch out hands to our oldest friends 
to whom we are linked by our origin, oiu* like democratic traditions, and the red, 
white and blue banner which now floats over every one of our dties. 

We are happy in this hour of trial to offer you our sympathy. From the days 
of Lafayette and Bienville unto those of Joffre, six generations of Louisianians greet 
you. We will be with you until the triumph of our common ideal. Behrman, Mayor." 

Mr. Ambroise Rendu, Vice-President of the Mimicipal Coimcil 
immediately responded by telegram: 

"We thank you for your telegram so warmly cordial, and we are not less happy 
than you that the bi-centennial of the founding of New Orleans furnishes the occas- 
ion of adding other hnks to those which already unite us. It is particularly satis- 
factory to think that actual events are Bienville's justification and coronation, and 
that the descendants of the founders of your dty are side by side with us in the cotDr 
bat which we are sustaining against barbarity for liberty and justice. 

In welcoming your distinguished representatives, we honor the munidpality 
and the population of New Orleans. 

Paris sends you an affectionate greeting, and her best wishes for speedy triumph 
in our common cause. 

**Vke'Presid€nt of the Municipal Council cf Paris, 

On October 26th, at noon, the office of the Mimicipal Council 
entertained the New Orleans representatives at breakfast. 

At this breakfast were also Messrs. Delanney, Prefect of the 
Seine; Hudelo, Prefect of Police; G. Hanotaux, former minister, Presi- 
dent of the Committee of France- American; Hovelaque, President of 
the Bi-Centennial Committee of the foimding of New Orleans; Jaray, 
director of the Review of France- America. M. Poiry, Vice-President 
of the Mimicipal Coimcil, made the following address: 


We are always pleased to welcome with hearty cordiality the guests who come 
to us from the United States of America, but in the bosom of the great Franco-Amer- 
ican friendship it. is oiu* privilege to take up other friendly ties, and we certainly 
feel a most special friendship for the beautiful city which today sends you to us. 

I have not the pleasure of knowing New Orleans and many Frenchmen, too 
many alas! are like me. But what Frenchman familiar with the history of his coun- 
try has not often thought with admiration shaded by melancholy of the strange and 
magnificent destiny of this city by turns French and Spanish, and again French, 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 31 

and in the end American, which has not ceased in the midst of so many vicissitudei 
to develop vigorous prosperity fostered by an incomparable commercial situation, 
and which preserved the original characteristics implanted by her founders. 

What Frenchman reading the accounts of travelers, or turning the pages of a 
simple guide book, has not evoked with deep emotion on the banks of the majestic 
and l^endary Mississippi, under the limiinous sky, in the midst of luxuriant tropical 
vegetation, the sweet, white dty whose galleries, blinds and arcades so closely recall 
our southern France, and whose streets bear the iiames of Chartres, Bourbon, Dau- 
phine, Laharpe, La Perouse and La Fayette. 

What Frenchman, in fine, has not been touched and flattered in realizing that 
the qualities of subtle charm and refined culture which distinguished New Orleans 
among all the cities of the United States are attributed by the Americans themselves 
to the French blood which flows in your veins. 

But these feelings, gentlemen, were not, as I said, without some sadness, for 
this magnificent shoot from the French tree, separated from it since a century, had 
preciously kept the memory of its origin. But would time which spares nothing, be 
likely to spare so fragile a link? Gentlemen, this anxiety is now vanished from our 
hearts; the great war came which separated the world into two camps, that of civi- 
lization and that of barbarism, into that of liberty and that of servitude, had to make 
and does make us brothers in arms. And this fraternity, we have the certitude, will 
not be limited to the duration of the present war. It will fill our future and as its 
benefits are developed it will become from generation to generation more vital, deeper 
and more profound. 

In the reorganization of the vfodd of which the immortal messages of Presi- 
dent Wilson has so masterfully laid out the salient lines France and America will 
give, nay, they already give an example of the fusion of minds and hearts which a 
short while ago was not deemed possible. 

Well, gentlemen, in the midst of the early workers, amidst the precursers of 
this marvelous imion which is dted and praised, at the^de of Franklin and Wash- 
ington, of Rochambeau and Lafayette, it is more than just and legitimate that we 
forget not near them, and chronologocally at least ahead of them, the founder of 
New Orleans. 

I raise my glass to the memory of Jean de Bienville, founder of New Orleans; 
I drink to French-American friend^p and the speedy triumph of the great cause 
for which we are combatting side by side. (Applause.) 

At the Sorbonne. 

Address delivered by the Honorable Andr6 Lafargue, chairman 
of the Bi-Centennial Commission, sent by Louisiana and by the city 
of New Orleans to celebrate with Paris the two hundredth anniver- 
sary of the signing of the decree foimding New Orleans. 

I could never have summoned the courage and temerity necessary to speak 
in this illustrious and solemn sanctuary of French thought if my official character 
as chairman of this mission, and the duty incimibent on me as speaker of the New 
Orleans delegation, sent to Paris bf that city to celebrate the two hundredth anni- 
versary of one of the most important acts of colonial French history, did not require 
that I should tell in public sitting of the great affection, and the tmbounded admira- 
tion that we have so preciously kept in Louisiana for France and her heroic people. 

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32 The Louisiana Historical Qttarterly 

I have neither the talent, the competence, nor the experience which the great 
honor devolved upon me calls for, and which I do not attribute to any personal 
merit, but to the historic titles of the great metropolis of Louisiana, which I and my 
fellow delegates have been appointed to represent at the commemoration here of one 
of its most important anniversaries. 

Where could the bi-centennial of the foimding of New Orleans be more appro- 
priately celebrated than in Paris? . the place where was consununated the act which 
was to have such great results later on, for your country and ours. From Paris, 
came to Bienville, Sieur de Lemoyne de Longueuil the instructions and authoriza- 
tion which allowed him to realize the fairest dream of his existence — that of founding 
a great capital on the banks of the most majestic river of North America — the Mis- 

From Paris, in after years, were controlled and directed the destiny of our city, 
then the seat of the government of the colony. In Paris, Bienville, the illustrious 
founder of our city, whose name we speak with love and veneration, lived his last 
days, and died a prey to grief after having tried to obtain the annuhnent of the treaty 
by which a king of France, autocratic and indifferent, with one stroke of his pen, 
annihilated the fruits of his laborious and historic career. 

Paris, was one may say, the cradle of New Orleans, It is then just that we 
celebrate in Paris the first act of its founding, the two hundredth anniversary of the 
authorization, so long demanded by Bienville, to lay the foundation of a dty which 
would be an outlet for all the French establishments of the valley of the Mississippi 
and its environs, and whose importance in our day has more than justified the hope 
of its founder. 

We were deeply affected by the thought which Paris and the French people 
had in inviting New Orleans to participate in a celebration in the course of which 
would forcibly be evoked common memories and illustrious figures that we venerate 
at home as much as you do here. Therefore when the New Orleans Municipality 
received the gracious invitation of the City of Light, it eagerly responded by send- 
ing us to represent it at your fine commemorative exercises with the mission of faith- 
fully transmitting the testimony of the filial affection of the former colony for the 
ancient mother-country, and also prayers fi-om the depth of our hearts for the tri- 
tmiph of the cause which has become ours. 

I distinctly recall the words of our New Orleans mayor at the moment our 
delegation took leave of him and I repeat them: "You will tell the Parisians and the 
French people that New Orleans has never deviated from her historic origin. That 
in heart and mind she has been with France since the beginning of this war, and today, 
more than any other American city, by her rights of filiation she proudly takes her 
stand at her mother's side to struggle valiantly with her until the complete crushing 
of Prussian militarism, and the definite establishment of a peace which will insure 
the happiness* and security of the generations of today and those to come hereafter." 
I hear him adding these last recommendations: *TeU them, above all, that the New 
Orleanians of this age have inherited the great qualities of valiance, endurance, and 
the spirit of self sacrifice of their French ancestors, of which France is actually giving 
to the world the most glorious and the most sublime demonstration, and that our 
motto is that of Gallieni: "To the end!' " 

I could not better translate the feelings of my fellow citizens towards you than 
in quoting the verj' words of the mayor of our city. 

But New Orleans is not alone in wishing to participate in the ceremonies of the 
day; The whole of Louisiana would associate in the great event which we corn- 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 33 

memorate, and His Excellency, our Governor, Ruflin G. Pleasant sent me, by special 
messenger, the eve of our departure a letter and a commission investing me with the 
requisite power to represent our State in its entirety at this manifestation. In this 
letter His Excellency commissioned me particularly to greet in his name the gre^it 
friendly and allied nation and to tell you that from end to end of Louisiana, in all its 
Parishes, throughout its extent, the hearts of its inhabitants beat in unisojti with yours 
and that we pledge ourselves to be with you in Ufe and in death. 

This is what the Governor of Louisiana wrote when he heard that I and my 
companions were going to Paris for the bi-centennial celebration of the foimding on 
(paper) of our large and beautiful city. He did not leave this occasion pass by with- 
out loudly proclaiming, with the authorized voice of the chief dignitary of our State, 
that the Louisianians are bound to the ancient mother-country by indissoluble ties, 
that they rejoice to be able to bring you at this time moral and material support, 
which, as I said yesterday, they desired so much to offer since the beginning jof the 

And as it was meet that our mission should receive its final consecration in 
the capital of the great American nation, we went to Washington before coming 

The great statesman who has succeeded Washington and Lincoln, and who 
IMx>ves worthy of the heritage, received us with the utniost kindness and friendli- 
ness as soon as he was aware of the purpose of our small embassy. 

I recall Mr. Wilson's words when I invited him to assist at our commemorative 
festival, next February, in New Orleans: **The moment is most opportune to fulfill 
the mission you are intrusted with. The event which you will commemorate is that 
which allowed the United States in after years to include in its domain one of the 
finest regions of the American continent. It is an event of considerable importance 
and compass and actually your mission can but more strongly accentuate the. similar 
links which bind France to the United States; you consequently take with you my 
best wishes for the success of your undertaking. God speed you, gentlemen, in your 
historic journey." 

We would not have gone to Washington without paying our respects to Mr. 
Jtisserand who represents your grand nation with so much dignity, who since so many 
years has incessantly and efficaciously striven to maintain cordial relations between 
the two republics, and who is always interested in all manifestations the end of which 
is the bringing together of I^uisiana and the ancient mother-country. The event 
we celebrate today could not leave him indifferent. 

We received at the French embassy a welcome so benevolent and so coiirteous 
that it gave us the illusion -that our voyage was ended and that we were already on 
the soil of France. It was your Ambassador and his gracious companion who again 
put into our hands the pilgrim's staff and afforded us the means to proceed on our 
way, when it seemed barred by numberless difficulties and obstacles which arose 
from all sides. And so, without delay, from here we send respectful and grateful 
greetings to Mr. and Mrs. Jusserand. 

It was likewise just that before participating in your celebration, before being 
admitted to set foot on the glorious soil of France, still impregnated with the blood 
of its heroic children and bearing the indelible stamp of their spirit of sacrifice and of 
their greatness of soul, we should go through some trials, infinitesimal it is true, to 
prepare us in some way and to make us more worthy of coming in contact with your 
immortal nation. The dangers we incurred in crossing the zone, pretendedly blocked 
by the submarines, and separation from dear ones left in the greatest anxiety have 

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34 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

perhaps given us the right to stand before you today, and tell you of the strong secu- 
lar and historical friendship which we have always held for you and your country. 

I am therefore happy to be able to aflfirm in the name of the New Orleans pop- 
ulation» in the name of the two million inhabitants of Louisiana that the memory 
of Fi^mce is still living anKHigst us and that the seed thrown on our soil in the early 
days of the 18th century has germinated through ages, has not ceased fructifying, 
and that presently, using the heart stirring words of your great statesman Mr. Yiviani a 
few months ago in the l^islature: 'Tou have only to reap the fine and durable 

And as a living expression of these thoughts and sentiments the French lan- 
guage has been preserved and is in use amongst us, as also the admirable memories 
and traditions left by the illustrious founders of a city and a State not less anxious 
in the days of Lafayette, Rochambeau, de Grasse, and so many others, to offer their 
services and their swords for the defense of conunon right and for the safeguarding 
of the liberty of nations. 

I repeat it, Louisiana has remained faithfiil to the principles inculcated in her, 
and is preparing to send you, without counting her best children, and to give her 
purest and most illustrious blood; to that source from which she derived it in 1718, 
to be shed to the last drop if necessary. 

The voice of oiu* ancestors was heard among us in imperative tones; from the 
first shock we burned with the intense desire to come over and give the convincing 
proof that two centuries have not been able to obliterate the memory that we are 
the descendants of those who knew how to die valiantly far from their own, in a 
strange land, for their King and justice. 

We respond today to that appeal from our ancestws with all the more enthu- 
siasm and fervor from the fact that the cause we will defend has become that of all 
civilized peoples of the world, the holy cause of democracy, for which France, vigi- 
lant guardian of world right and justice, has drawn her invincible sword which she 
will sheathe only when liberty of nations and their security will no longer be threat- 
ened by the sacreligious aggressions of an impious HohenzoUem or a renegade Haps- 

We take our stand at your side with all the more determination and vibrant 
patriotism because the voice that calls to us is that of our oppressed brethren through- 
out the world, that it is consequently the voice of God. 


We deem that in combating for you we participate in the greatest crusade of 
ancient and modem times, the one which is to liberate not only a holy site or terri- 
tory, but which will save the human race from the most infanK>us yoke which bar- 
barians ever dreamed of imposing on it. We want it said that we are the worthy 
sons of worthy sires. We too want to gird the armor of truth and justice that we may 
entone with you on the day of liberation the hynm which on the morrow will be that 
of the allied nations as well as yours: "Rise children of the civilized world, the day 
of glory has con^e since it is the day of universal peace." 

Oh France! Mother country of Ehiguesclin, Godefroi de Bouillon, Baj'ard 
and Turenne, your sons of Louisiana also claim their immOTtal page in the legend of 
centuries, and will thank you for calling them to your side. 

Oh France! Mother country of the great liberates of 1789, country of Napo- 
leon, Joffre, Castehiau, Nivelle, P^tain, we, more distinctly than ever, hear your 
clarion call and with gladness we hasten to respond. Here we are. Allow us to 
enter your ranks with oiu* standards, which, like yours, are those of Liberty, Equali- 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 35 

ty, and Fraternity, in the height of the battle that we may shed our blood with yours 
for the great glory of nations and for their security to come. 

Mother, tenderly loved and venerated, your sons will not have worked in vain 
to implant your civilization and your genius on American soil, for from the depths 
of the impenetrable forests of Louisiana, and the uncultivated swamps of the lower 
Mississippi, I see advancing in serried ranks their descendants who come to greet 
you, render homage to your valiance, and take their place by the side of those who 
since three years have woven your crown of immortal glory. Iberville, Bienville, La 
Salle and their like will have conquered for you the finest of all empires, that of hearts 
and minds, that neither the course of ages nor political conviilsions can break nor 

A la Sorbonae. 

Discours prononc^ par THonorable Andrfi Lafargue, President 
de la Commission envoy6e par la Louisiane et par la Nouvelle Or- 
leans pour c616brer avec Paris le 200^ anniversaire de la signature du 
Decret de Fondation de la Nouvelle Orleans. 

Je n'aurais jamais eu la hardiesse et la tto^te de prendre la parole dans cet 
illustre et solennd sanctuaire de la pens^e frangaise, si je ne m'6tais rendu compte 
que le caract^ official dont je suis rev§tu, en ma quality de chef de mission, et le 
devoir qui m'incombe comme porte-parole de la Delegation que la Nouvelle-Orl6an8 
k envoy6e k Paris pour y c^l^brer le 200« anniversaire d*un des actes les plus impor- 
tants de ITiistoire coloniale frangaise, exigeaient que je dise en stance publique toute 
h. grande affection et toute I'admiration sans borne que nous avons toujours pre- 
deusement cortserv^es en Louisiane pour la France et pour son peuple h6roique. 

En effet je n'ai ni le talent, ni la competence, ni Texperience, que comporte le 
grand honneur qui m'^choit et que je dois attribuer, je le sais, non pas k mes m^rites 
personnels, mais bien aux titres historiques de la grande M^tropole Louisianaise, 
qui k bien voulu me designer ainsi que mes compagnons pour la repr6senter k la 
commemoration chez vous d'un de ses anniversaires les plus importants. 

En temps normal, un ev^nement de Tenvergure historique de celui que nous 
ceiebrons aurait acquis ime importance considerable; aujourd'hui cet ev^nement et 
sa commemoration en raison du cadre et de I'epoque rev§tent un caract^re dont la 
significaticm et Tinteret palpitant ne sauraient echapper k personne. 

Ou pouvait-on mieux ceiebrer le 200e anivarsaire de la signature du decret de 
fondation de la Nouvelle-Orieans qu'^ Paris, k TendroitmSme ou cet acte qui, devait 
plus tard avoir de si grandes consequences pour votre pays et pour le ndtre fut con- 
somme. C'est de Paris que furent envoyes k Bienville, Sieur Lemoyne de Longueil, 
les instructions et Tautorisation qui devaient le mettre k meme de realiser le plus 
beau rive de son existence, — celui de fonder une grande capitale sur les rives de plus 
majestueux des fleuves de TAmerique du Nord; le Mississippi. C'est de Paris, que 
par la suite, les destinees de n6tre ville, devenue le siege du gouvemement de la colonic 
Louisianaise, furent contrdiees et dirigees. Et c'est k Paris, que Bienville, Tilllustre 
fondateur de ndtre ville, celui dont nous ne pronongons le nom qu'avec amour et 
veneration vecut ses demiers jours et mourut en proie au plus grand chagrin, aprds 
avoir vainement tente une demiere fois de faire annuler le traite par lequd un roi 
de France, d'un trait de plume autocratique et indifferent mettait k neant tous les 
fruits de sa laborieuse et hisUnique carriere. 

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36 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Paris k ^t6 pour aihsi dire, le berceau de la Nouvelle Orleans. U est done juste 
que ce soit k Paris que Ton c^l^bre le premier acte de sa fondation, le 200e anniversaire 
de Tautorisation, longtemps demand^e par Bienville, de jeter les fondements d'une 
ville qui devait servir de d6bouch6 pour tous les 6tablissements frangais de la valine 
du Mississippi et de ses environs et dont Timportance de nos jours k plus que justifi^ 
les provisions et Tespoir de son fondateur. 

Nous avons tous 0t6 profondement touchte de la delicate pens6e que Paris et le 
peuple frangais ont eue en invitant la Nouvelle-OrlOans k partidper k une c616bration au 
cours de laquelle on 6voquerait forcOment des souvenirs communs et des figures 
illustres, que nous v6n^ons chez nous autant que vous les v6nerez chez vous. Aussi 
lorsque la Municipality de Nouvelle-OrlOanaise regut la tr^ gradeuse invitation de 
la Ville Lumi^e, elle s'empressa d'y rOpondre en nous envoyant pour la reprfeenter 
k vo6 beaux exerdces commOmeratifs, avec missioh de vous appc^er fid^ement le 
ttooignage le plus complet de Taffection filiale de Tandenne colonie vis-^-vis de 
I'andenne M^-Patrie et de vous transmettre tous les voeux que nous Msons du 
fond du coeur pour le triomphe de la cause qui est devenue la ndtre. 

Je me souviens fort bien des paroles de notre Maire de la Nouvelle-Qrl6ans au 
moment ou notre D016gation le saluait avant de partir et je vous les r€p^te: 
"Vous direz aux Parisiens et au peuple frangais que la Nouvelle-OrlOans n'a jamais 
menti k ses origines historiques. Qu'elle n'acessi de combattre avec la France par le 
coeur et par la pens^ d^ le commencement de la guerre et qu'aujourdliui plus 
q'aucune autre ville AmOricaine, elle se range fiftrement et de par ses droits de filiation 
aux cot6s de sa m^e pour lutter vaillament avec elle jusqu'^ TOcrasement complet 
du militarisme Prussien et TOtablissement d6finitif d'une paix qui assurera am g^ 
nOrations d'aujourdTiui et de demain le bonheiu* et la stouitO." Je Tentends encore 
ajoutant ces demi^res recommandations: "Dites-leur surtout que les Neo-Orleanais 
d'aujourd'hui ont h6rit6 des grandes qtialitte de vaillance, d'endurance, et d'esprit 
de sacrifice de leurs anc^tres frangais, qualitOs dont la France dcome actudlement 
au monde entier les preuves les plus ^atantes et les plus sublimes, et que comme 
eux, notre devise est celle de GalliOni: 'Jusqu'au bout!' " 

Je ne pouvais mieux faire pour vous traduire les sentiments, dont mes compa* 
triotes sont animus k votre 6gard qu'en vous citant actuellement les paroles du Maire 
de ndtre ville. 

Mais la Nouvelle-Orleans n'est pas la seule qui ait voulu partidper aux c6r^ 
monies d'aujourd'hui. Tout TEtat de la Louisiane a voulu s'assoder au grand 6vdne- 
ment que nous comm&norons et son Gouvemeur, THonorable Ruflfin G. Pleasant, 
m'a fait parvenir par courrier special, k la veille de notre depart, une lettre et une 
commission, me revOtant des pouvoirs n6cessaires pour que notre Etat en entier soit 
repr6sent6 offidellement k cette manifestation. Dans sa lettre. Son Excellence me 
chargeait tout particuli^ement de saluer en son nom la grande nation amie et alli6e 
et de lui dire que d'un bout k I'autre de la Louisiane, dans toutes ses paroisses et 
dans toute Otendue, les coeurs de ses habitants vibraient k Tunisson avec les votres, 
et que nous faisons le serment d'etre avec vous pour la vie et pour la mort. 

Voil^ ce que m'Ocrivait le Gouvemeur de la Louisiane lorsqu'il apprit que je 
me rendais avec mes compagnons k Paris pour y c^^brer le 200e anniversaire de la 
fondation sur papier de notre grande et bdle ville. II n'a pas voulu laisser 6cbapper 
cette occasion de vous affirmer hautement et avec la voix autorisOe du chef de notre 
Etat, que les Louisianais restaient attaches k I'andenne M^e Patrie par des liens 
sOculaires et indissolubles et qu'ils se rejouissaient de pouvoir aujourd*hui lui apporter 

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Bicentennial Celebration in France 37 

leur appiii matemel et moral, appui qui, comme je le disais hier, ils avaient tant 
d&ir^ offrir dhs la premiere heure, d^ le d6but des hostilitfes. 

Et comme il 6tait juste que notre mission aille recevoir sa consecration definitive 
k la capitale de la grande nation Am^ricaine, nous nous sommes rendus k Washington 
avant de venir id. L*illustre homme d'etat qui k recueilli la succession des Wash- 
ington et des Lincoln, et qui s'en montre si digne, nous re^ut avec la plus grande 
bienveillance d^ qu'il fut avis6 du but de ndtre petite Ambassade. 

Je me repelle distinctement les paroles de Mr. Wilson alors que je Tinvitais k 
assister a nos fStes comm6moratives du mois de F6vrier prochain: "Le moment est 
tout k fait opportun pour remplir la mission dont vous etes charges," nous disait-iU 
r6v6nement que vous devez comm6morer est celui en vertu duquel les Etats Unis 
plus tard purent inclure dans' leur domaine une des plus belles r^ons du continent 
am6ricain. C'est un 6v6nement dont importance et la port6e sont considerables et 
k ITieure actuelle vdtre mission ne pent qu'accentuer d'avantage les liens stoilaires 
qui imissent la Prance aux Etats Unis, vous emportez par consequent mes meilleurs 
voeux pour le succ^ de vdtre entreprise. God speed you gentlemen, in your historic 

Nous ne voulions pas nous rendre id sans aller saluer cdui qui depuis tant 
d'annees travaille chez nous incessamment et efficacement k maintenir les rapp(»ts 
les plus cordiaux entre les deux r^publiques soeurs et qui repr6sente si dignement k 
Washington votre grande nation. M. Jussererand n'a cesse de s'interesser k toutes 
les manifestations qui ont pour but de rapprocher la Louisiane de I'andenne M^re- 
Patrie. L'ev^nement que nous c6iebrons aujourd-hui ne pouvait le laisser in differ- 
ent. Nous avons rencontr6 k I'ambassade de France un accueil dont la bienveillance 
et la courtoisie toute frangaise nous donnaient veritablement Tillusion que nous 
avions accompli notre voyage, et que nous etions d6j^ en terre de France. C'est 
votre Ambassadeur et sa gracieuse compagne qui nous ont remis en main le baton de 
peierin et qui nous ont mis k m&ne de poursuivre notre route, alors qu'elle nout 
semblait barree par des difficult^s sans nombre et des obstacles qui surgissaient de 
tous les cdtes. Aussi, sans retard, nous adressons d'id k un excdlence, ainsi q\x*k 
Mme. Jusserand, un salut respectueux et reconnaissant. 

II etait juste, aussi, avant que nous ne partidpions k notre celebration et avant 
que nous ne fussions admis k mettre pied sur le sol glorieux de France, encore tout 
impregne du sang de ses enfants heroiques et portant Tempreinte ineffacable de leur 
esprit de sacrifice et de leur grandeur d'ame, que nous traversions qudques epreuves, 
—eh bien infimes, il est vrai, pour nous preparer en quelque sorte et nous rendre 
plus dignes de prendre contact avec votre nation immortelle. Ces qudques dangers 
que nous avons couru en franchissant la zone soi disant bloquee par les sous marins 
ennemis et la separation de ceux qui nous sont chers et que nous avons laisses 1^ bas 
dans la plus vive inquietude, nous ont peut-etre acquis qudques droits k nous pre- 
senter devant vous aujourd'hui et k vous dire de vive voix toute Tamitie seculaire 
et historique que nous avons toujours conservee pour vous et pour votre pays. 

Aussi suis-je heureux de pouvoir vous afiirmer au nom de toute la population 
Neo-Orieanaise, en cdui des deux millions d 'habitants de la Louisiane, que le souvenir 
de la France est reste vivace parmi nous et que la semence qui k tt€ jetee dans notre 
sol au commencement du 18« siede par vos ancitres, a germe k travers les ageis, n'a 
cesse de fructifier et qu'aujourd'hui, pour nous servir des paroles vibrantes que votre 
grand homme d'etat, Mr. Viviani, pronongait il y ^ qudques mois k la Chambre» 
*'Vous n'avez qu'a en recolter la beUe et durable moisson." 

Et comme expression toujours vivante de ces pensees et de ces sentiments, la 

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38 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

langue frangaise est conserve et mise en usage parmi nous ainsi que les souvenirs et 
les traditions admirables laiss6s par les illustres fondateurs d'une ville et d'un ^tat 
dont les habitants, je tiens k le redire enox-e, ne sont pas moins empresses que jadis, 
au temps des Lafayette, Rochambeau, de Grasse, et de tant d'autres de vos h^roiques 
et invindcles compatriotes, k offrir leurs services et leurs 6p6e8 pour la defense du 
droit commxin et pour la sauvegarde de la liberty des peuples. 

Je vous le r^p^te, la Louisiane est rest^e fiddle aux prindpes qui lui ont 6t6 
inculqu6s et elle s'apprSte k vous envoyer sans compter ses meilleurs enfants et k 
vOus donner son sang le plus pur et le plus illustre, pour le verser s*il est n6cessaire 
jusqu'^ la demi^ goutte k la source ou die Tavait puis6 en 1718. La voix des ancetres 
s'est faite entendre chez nous de fagon imp&ieuse d^ le premier choc et nous brulons 
du d6sir intense de venir vous donner la preuve convaincante que deux si^es n'ont 
pu nous faire oublier que nous 6tions les descendants de ceux qui savaient mourir 
avec vaillance loin des leurs en terre ^trang^, pour le roi et pour la justice. Au- 
jourdliui nous r6pondons k cet appel des aieux avec autant plus d'enthousiasme et 
de ferveur, que la cause que nous allons d^fendre est devenue celle des peuples dvilisfe 
du monde entier, la cause sainte de la d^mocratie pour laquelle la France gardienne 
vigilante du droit des gens et de la justice mondiale, a tir6 son glaive invindble, 
qu'elle n'abaissera que le jour ou la liberty des peuples et leur s6curit6 ne seront 
plus menace par les agressions sacril^es d'un HohenzoUem impi ou d'un Haps- 
bourg ren^t. 

Nous nous rangeons k vos c5t6s avec d'autant plus de determination et de 
vibrant patriotisme que la voix qui nous appelle est celle de nos fr^res opprimfe de par 
le monde et qu'elleest par cons^uent la voix de Dieu. "Vox populi, vox Dei." Nous 
estimons en combattant pour vous, que nous partidpons k la plus grande croisade 
des temps andens et modemes, k celle qui doit lib&-er non pas seulement un lieu 
saint ou un territoire quelconque, mais sauver la race hiunaine du joug le plus infame 
que les barbares aient jamais song^ k lui imposer. Nous voulons que Ton puisse dire 
que nous sommes les dignes fils de dignes p^res. Nous voulons, nous aussi, nous 
ceindre de Tarmure de la Verity et de la Justice, afin de pouvoir entonner avec vous 
le jour de la liberation cet hynme qui deviendra demain cdui des nations allite 
aussi bien que le vdtre: "Allons enfants du monde civilise, le jour de gloire est arrive, 
puisque c'est le joiu- de paix universelle." 

O France patrie des De Guesclin, des Godefroid de Bouillon, des Bayard et 
des Turenne, tes fils en Louisiane veulent aussi avoir leur page immortelle dans la 
l^ende des siedes et ils te remercieront de les appeler k tes cotes. 

O France patrie des grands liberateurs de 1789, patrie des Napoleon, des Joffre, 
des Castelnau, des Nivelle et des Petain, nous percevons plus distinctement que 
jamais ton appel claironnant auquel nous nous empressons de repondre avec alie- 
gresse. Nous voila. Permettes nous de nous ranger avec nos etendards, qui comme 
les tiens sont ceux de la Liberte, de TEgalite, et de la fratemite au plus fort de la 
bataille afin que nous puissions verser notre sang avec le tien pour la plus grande 
gloire des Peuples, et pour leur securite k venir. 

Mere tendrement aimee et toujours veneree, tes fils n'auront pas travailie en 
vain pour implanter ta dvilisation et ton genie -en terre d'Amerique car du fond des 
forete impenetrables de I'andenne Louisiane et des marecages incultes du bas Mis- 
sissippi, je vois accourir leurs descendants en rangs serres, qui viennent te saluer, 
rendre hommage k ta vaillance, et se placer k cote de ceux qui depuis trois ans font 
tresse une coiuDnne de gloire immortelle. Les Iberville, les Bienville, et les La Salle 
t'auront conquis le plus beau de tous les empires, celui des coeurs et des esprits, que ni 
le cours des ages ni les convulsions politiques ne peuvent entamer ou detruire. 

Digitized by 



By Miss Grace King. 

{Read before the Bi-Centennial meeting in New Orleans, 

October 24, 1917.) 

Jean Baptiste Le Moyne de Bienville was bom at Ville Marie 
(Montreal) in 1680. His father, Charles Le Moyne and his mother, 
Catherine Primot, belonged to the best emigrant stock that came 
from France to Canada, furnishing a race of pioneers unsurpassed, 
if not unequalled by any that history chronicles. 

The Le Moynes came from Dieppe. Dieppe had always been 
one of the busiest stations on the road from the old World to the 
New. Charles Le Moyne in 1641, opened his career in the New 
World by taking service with the Jesuits, who sent him into the 
coimtry of the Hurons, as trader, soldier and interpreter. After this 
he entered into the service of Ville Marie on the frontier of 
Montreal and at the age of 28, he was not only celebrated on account 
of his fights and treaties with the Indians, but in addition was pos- 
sessed of a large fortime, consequently in a position to marry. He 
made a good choice and married well. The marriage is recorded in the 
registry of the church of Notre Dame. 

It has been said that no marriage ever contracted within her 
lands, had ever been so profitable to Canada. Of the 12 sons of Le 
Moyne, nine lived distinguished in history, three were killed on the 
field of battle, three became governors bf cities or provinces. 

The father died in 1685, when our de Bienville was only five 
years old. He was raised by his eldest brother the Baron de 
Longueil, who lived on the princely estate of Longueil, in his great 
chateau which was the wonder of the time. 

Bienville intended to pursue his career upon the sea, following 
the example of his brothers Iberville and Serigny. At 17 he was 
midshipman serving imder de Serigny and Iberville, in their heroic 
expedition against the English at Hudson's Bay. He returned from 
it with Iberville to France, where Iberville almost immediately re- 
ceived the commission to discover and take possession of the Mis- 
sissippi. He retained Bienville as his garde marin or midshipman. 

It was a race between France and England for a great prize. 
But Iberville was not a man to be distanced to a prize by any com- 
petitor. He fitted out his little fleet with a rush, two small frigates 

Taken from Jean Ba]>Uste Le Moyne de Bienville, by Grace King's "Makert of America/! 
Series. Dodd, Mead. New York. 

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40 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

and two sloops; engaged crews, laid in supplies, making his arrange- 
ments he said, "not only to arrive first at the goal, but to fight for it 
should he come in second." He sailed on the 24th of October, 1698— 
and in due course of time entered the Gulf of Mexico, and began his 
search for the Mississippi, passing Pensacola, then in possession of 
the Spaniards, entering Mobile Bay, and finally anchoring in the 
little harbor of Cat Island, as he named it, although the cats were 

From the Indians on the opposite shore of the lake, he heard of 
the great river, but could get no sure direction to it. Finally on 
Friday, 27th of February, taking Bienville with him, he set 
out in two barges, with provisions for 25 days, and leaving orders 
with the ships to sail to France in six weeks if he had not returned. 

The morning of Friday, 27th of February, Saturday and 
Sunday were passed skirting around the shores and shoals 
of the delta until a great storm overtook them. After 
battling with wind and waves for three hours, as darkness was com- 
ing on there seemed no choice but of perishing at sea or being wrecked 
on the rocky palissades of the shore. Iberville put his barge about, and 
with full wind astern, drove his boat on what appeared to be a rocky 
reef. The rocks, they were only drift wood covered with slime, 
separated before him. Beyond them was a great tawny stream; 
the Mississippi was discovered. It was the night before Mardi Gras, 
as the men reminded one another, lying around their camp fires. Then 
followed their reconnoissance of the river; for some definite proof 
that it was the Mississippi.. 

Bienville's barge went ahead, Iberville's following. The progress 
by oars was slow and laborious. They secured an Indian guide and 
at night they camped on the shore. 

One night on the left bank of the river about 35 leagues or 105 
miles from its mouth, on a point of the bank, they came to a small 
Indian village of ten or more cabins thatched with straw; in a kind 
of fortification; an oval space surroimded by canes and saplings the 
height of a man. Both banks here were almost impassable on account 
of the canes that grew to prodigious height and thickness. 

The guide took Iberville six leagues or 18 miles above this 
stopping place to about the site now of our city and showed him the 
Indian portage between the river and the lake, where the French 
ships lay. To prove how short it was, the Indian took a package 
from the river to the lake and returned during the night. The French- 
men explored the river as far as the Houma Indians, visiting the villages. 
When Iberville, becoming convinced that he was in the Mississippi, 

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Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 41 

decided to return to his ships. Leaving Bienville to come down 
the river, he with a guide made his way through Manchac 
Bayou, into the lake and reached his ships eight hours 
before Bienville. Iberville, imloading the ships, made a settlement at 
Biloxi and Ocean Springs and sailed away to France with the news of his 
success, leaving his lieutenant Sauvole in command of the little 
settlement that had been made at Biloxi, and Bienville second in 

Bienville's task was to explore the new coimtry and render a report 
to Iberville. He made a reconnoissance around Pensacola and explored 
Mobile Bay and the river. After that he repeated his and Iberville's 
explorations of the Mississippi and visiting the Indian tribes. 
He went as far as Bayou Plaquemine and explored it. It 
was on his return from this expedition while paddling down 
stream, he discovered ahead of him two vessels lying midstream. 
They proved to be English vessels in search of the Mississippi. 
Bienville, advancing in his pirogue, recognized in the Captain of 
one of them an old acquaintance and convinced him that the river 
now belonged to France, strongly enough established to defend her 
rights. The English vessels turned and sailed out of the river. 
English Turn, in the Mississippi, commemorates this event. 

Iberville returning during the following siunmer, set out in 
search of a spot of high land, one not subject to inimdation, upon 
which to build a fort on the Mississippi. He foimd it about 18 
leagues from the mouth of the river, and began work at once upon it. 
While this was going on Bienville was sent to make an exploration 
of Red River. This he did to the satisfaction of Iberville. His 
journal of it, though much too brief, is one of our most inter- 
esting historical documents and is well worth careful study today. 
He went as far as the Caddo Indians. Iberville, putting Bienville 
in command of the Fort on the Mississippi, called Fort Maurepas, 
returned to France. 

The younger man had every difficulty to contend with — starva- 
tion, scarcity of drinking water and dissatisfied men. SauvoUe, at 
Biloxi, fared even worse; for yellow fever broke out among his men, 
and he himself died of it in August, 1701. Bienville hastened over 
from his Fort and at once took command. He was just 21. 

Iberville, on his return trip to the colony, for strategical rea- 
sons removed the French settlement at Biloxi to Dauphin Island in 
Mobile Bay. 

This settlement was only a temporary shift. Bienville was 
forced shortly to abandon and choose a less exposed site. 

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42 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

He removed to a situation on Mobile river where he built a substan- 
tial fort called after the Kmg of France: Fort Loxiis de la Mobile 
(the ruins are still to be seen). Here he remained in command and at 
twenty-two years of age became as we call him, the first governor of 
Louisiana, a name that then covered an extent of three states and a 
half. It was not an easy position. Surroimded by hostile Indians; 
with the aggressive English on the Atlantic coast constantly arming 
new tribes against him and the jealous, treacherous Spaniards at 
Pensacola always watching for an opportimity to drive him out; 
harassed besides, by the internal dissensions in the Fort; the poison- 
ous enmity of the Curate de la Vente, aided by the Conunissary 
de la Salle, who left no stone xmtumed; no accusation that could be 
invented, imwritten to v^nt their malignant spite and enmity against 
the young officer. He nevertheless held his post imdaimtedly against 
inside and outside foes through ten long years of trial and tribulation. 
In 1712 the French government tired of its improfitable colonial 
venture, made it over to the Sieur Antoine de Crozat, a capitalist 
and moneyed favorite of the court; giving him a charter of its trading 
privileges for the term of fifteen years. A new Governor La Motte 
Cadillac was appointed in Bienville's place and he was transferred 
to Fort Ste Rosalie, a post at Natchez, and made commandant of 
the Indians. This was owing to his influence over the natives who 
feared and trusted him above all Frenchmen. Cadillac, his most 
truculent and disagreeable superior, pays this tribute to bim in his 

"I cannot too highly praise the manner with which M. de Bien- 
ville has been able to gain the savages and dominate them. He has 
succeeded in this by his generosity, his lojralty, his scrupulous ex- 
actitude in keeping his word and every promise made, and by the 
firm and equitable manner with which he renders justice among the 
different Indian tribes. He has particularly conciliated their 
esteem by punishing severely any thefts or depredations committed 
by the French, who are forced to make amends every time they com- 
mit an injxiry against an Indian." 

This power over the Indians was soon proved in a remarkable 
instance. In 1716 the Natchez revolted, pillaging Crozat's store 
house, killing his commissioners and putting to death all French- 
men, traveling up and down the river. Bienville at the time was 
about leaving for his post with a small force of men. He hastened 
his departure and paddling his pirogues with all speed up the river, 
he arrived at the Tunicas a few miles below Natchez before the re- 
volted Indians knew of his approach. He camped on an Island in 

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Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 43 

the river where he entrenched himself and then sent a summons to 
the Natchez chief. Three warriors promptly answered, sent by the 
chief to present the calimiet to Bienville. He coldly waived it 
aside saying he would never smoke a calimiet of peace presented by a 
Natchez chief. A week later eighteen warriors arriv^ bringing the 
calumet. Again he refused it asking them haughtily what satisfac- 
tion they were going to give him for the Frenchmen slain, declaring 
that he must have the heads of the murderers brought to him with 
the head of the chief who had ordered the killing. Five days later, 
three heads were laid at his feet, but he was inexorable until the head 
of the guilty ehief was brought him and then and then only would 
he smoke the caliunet with the tribe. The Natchez never for- 
got the pimishment, and never broke the peace that followed with 

The Crozat charter came to ian end in 1717. Louisiana was 
given over for 25 years to the Company of the West and otthe Indies, 
whose president was John Law; and Louisiana, become the great 
financial speculation of the day in France, was advertised and boomed 
as never before or after in her history. 

Soldiers, colonists, provisions and merchandise arrived and were 
sent over by the ship load imtil the narrow accommodations at 
Dauphin Island and Biloxi were blocked with the accumulating 
human and mercantile freight. Bienville, who had been made com- 
mandant xmder the new regime, profiting by his opportiuiity and the 
necessity of the moment, took fifty men and put them to clearing 
the site he had selected years before as the one site in his judgment 
for the city, destined as he was convinced, to become the capital 
of the Mississippi valley. He made a beginning by having a few 
huts built here and settling on the spot a small number of emigrants. 

There has been some discussion and a good deal of misappre- 
hension concerning the true date of the foimding of New Orleans. 

In Paris today, is celebrated the date of the official edict to the 
Law Company, authorizing the founding of the city upon the banks 
of the Mississippi. 

Martin and Gayarre, our earliest and as far as we know, our 
most correct historians, whose statements are generally accepted as 
decisive, give the following. 

Gayarre states: 

**The government of Louisiana was accorded for a second time 
to Bienville (Feb. 9th, 1718). The first act of his administration 
was to seek a favorable settlement upon the Mississippi upon which 

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44 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

to put his principal establishment." — Gayarre Histoire de la Louis- 
ianne. Vol. 1, Ch. 8. page 162. 

Martin tells it thus: 

''On the 9th of February three of the company's ships arrived, 
with as many companies of infantry and 69 colonists; Boisbrillant, 
who came in this fleet, was the bearer of Bienville's commission as 
governor of the Province. Bienville dispatched Chateaugay with 
fifty men to take possession of the Bay St. Joseph. In the meanwhile 
Bienville visited the banks of the Mississippi to seek a spot for the 
principal settlement of the Province. He chose that upon which the 
city of New Orleans now stands and left there 50 men to clear the 
ground and erect barracks." — ^Martin. Vol. 1, chap. 9, page 204. 

Both of these historians possessed all the docimients that we 
have for historical guidance; and both lived a century nearer the 
facts of the case than we do. Historians today generally base their 
opinions dn these two authorities, considering them sufficient, 
with the addition taken fi-om that imquestioned good soxirce of 
historical information: The ''Journal Historique'* of Bernard de la 
Harpe, which begins in 1699. This item comes in its proper sequence 
of date in his journal: "At this time (Feb., 1718), M. de Bienville 
sought a fitting spot on the banks of the Mississippi upon which to 
establish his capital. He chose one since named New Orleans, situated 
30 leagues from the sea, on the river, on accoimt of its communicating 
with it by Lake Pontchartrain and the Bayou St. Jean. He left there 
50 persons, carpenters and convicts, to clear the land and build a 
few shelters." 

The Louisiana Historical Society in consideration of this testi- 
mony, passed a formal resolution in its March meeting, that the 
dates for the celebration of the foimding of the dty of New Orleans 
could, with all security of historical conviction, be decided upon as 
February 9,. 10, 11. 

The city was named for Law's patron, the Duke of Orleans, the 
Regent at that time of France; and this is the one pleasant compli- 
ment to a man, whose memory by common consent of historians, 
has been consigned to infamy. 

Bienville's own history is almost lost sight of now in the progress 
and prosperity of his city, although his own responsiblities and labors 
were increase by them. 

It was not until 1722 that orders came from the Coimcil in 
Paris to make the city on the Mississippi, the official capital of the 
colony. In the meantime Law's Mississippi scheme had become the 

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Notes an thz Life and Services of Bienville 45 

Mississippi Bubble and Louisiana, overcapitalized by speculators, 
was threatened with bankruptcy, the usual fate of such enterprises. 

When the news of Law's failiu-e reached the city, a panic ensued 
and all enterprise was stopped for the moment, but OTiigrants and 
merchandise continuing to arrive, the momentum already acquired 
was kept up, and soon it became evident to even the ill-wishers 
among the officers of the colony that Louisiana in the parlance of 
today was going to make good and in spite of tornadoes, conflagra- 
tions and tempestuous disasters of all kinds and epidemics of fever 
New Orleans throve and prospered, in the eyes of all. Not so its 
foimder. A spirit of envy and jealousy, fostered by his discontented 
coimcil board had long been set at work against him. Complaints 
against him and his administration had passed constantly to France 
from petty soiu-ces of malignity in the colony. 

They had been treated with indifference by the Minister, but a 
more formidable attack, prepared by his enemies, could not be 
ignored ; this was an affidavit by Commissioner Raguet, countersigned 
by the Superior of the Capuchins and Curate of New Orleans with a 
notarial certificate attached charging Bienville with peculation and 
malversation. A letter from the King directed him to return to 
France and answer the charges. 

He made his preparations and sailed at once. "Arrived in 
France, he presented his justification to the minister, — the 
memoir of the services that had filled his life since, a mere 
stripling, he had followed his brother Iberville in quest of the country, 
for the government of which he was now, a middle-aged man, called 
to account. 

"The services form all there is of the history of Louisiana up to 
this date. Somewhat may be gathered of the history of Bienville 
firom a few extracts. The paper b^ins: *It is thirty-four years 
since the Sieur de Bienville has the honor of serving the king, twenty- 
seven of which as lieutenant of the ^king and conmiandant of the 

"After the resumS of his policy with the Indians, — 

" *It is not without trouble that I arrived at being absolute 
master of so many nations of such barbarous tempers and such dif- 
ferent characters, almost each one of which has a particular language. 
One can conjectxu-e how many difficulties I encountered and what 
risks I ran to lay the foimdations of the colony and maintain it to 

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46 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

the present time. Necessity, it is said, renders us industrious; but 
I experienced that it also renders us intrepid in danger^ and makes us 
perform, so to speak, the impossible, in the different conjimctures in 
which one finds one's self confined in an imknbwn world with such a 
small force. I first applied myself to putting myself in a 
position to govern by myself without the aid of an interpreter. I 
applied myself to the language which appeared to me to be the 
dominant one among the savages, and of which the knowledge would 
facilitate me in learning the others in the end. I was fortunate enough, 
from the first years, to gain their confidence and their friendship. I 
studied, to know well their customs, so as to be able to retain them in 
peace with one another; so that, for the twenty-seven years during 
which I had the honor of conmianding in the province, I was the 
arbiter of their differences. I always governed these nations, bom in 
independence, so to speak, despotically, and I pushed my authority 
to the deposing of chiefs.' " 

"He terminates: — 

" The Sieur de Bienville dares to say that the establishment 
of the colony is due to the constancy with which he has attached 
himself to it for twenty-seven years, without going out of it since he 
made the discovery of it with his brother Iberville. This attachment 
made him discontinue his services in the Marine, where his family 
was so well known. . . .' " 

"In New Orleans, the Superior Coimcil, through the attorney- 
general, siunmoned the Sieur Raguet to sustain the deposition signed 
with his name and given to the curate Raphael. 

** 'The Sieur Raguet," says the requisition* of the attorney- 
general, "did not appear, in consequence of which M. de la Chaise, 
Superior of the Council, condemned him to pay a fine of ten livres, 
and resiunmoned him. He neither appeared in answer to this second 
sunmions, simply making answer to the clerk that he 'did not remem- 
ber anything any longer,' in language and with a levity improper 
and unsuitable to justice, showing everywhere a contempt of and 
disobedience to the colony which should be suppressed. As in these 
revelations the Sieiu: Raguet had advanced general accusations so 
grave against all those who had been at the head of the colony, he 
should either prove them, and not affect sileAce and default of mem- 
ory, which was his excuse, or pass for a calunmiator, who, contrary 

*"A messieurs du Conseil Superieur de la province de la Louisiane . . . arretes en la chambce 
du conseil le 28 aout. 1725," sinwd De la Chaise, Pterrault, Faaende, Perry. The instructioiit to toe 
Superior Council in regard to the investigation are not in the compilations of oflBdal documents either 
ci Margry or Magne. 

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Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 47 

to the respect due his superiors, falsely accuses them of the most 
horrible malversation, with the sole object of blackening them, and 
insinuating the most disadvantageous opinion concerning them. It 
was the council's duty on his [the attorney-general's] requisition, to 
condemn the Sieur Raguet to such reparation, punishment, fine or 
prison as they should judge proper. 

With* nothing but the bare compilation of official records before 
one, it is impossible to form other than vague conjectures as to the 
effect at the time of these orders upon Bienville, his friends, and the 
colony. The affairs of the latter since its foimdation had never been 
in so equable and promising a condition, the colony itself never so 
vital with life and strength, not from distant French interfusion, but 
from the inherent vitality and strength, which men, like trees, derive 
from the soil in which they are planted. Iberville's grasp of continent 
had become a coimtry; Bienville's establishment on the Mississippi, 
its city, its brain and nerve centre. The shadowy hopes of twenty- 
five years ago were becoming realities; the poignant vicissitudes, a 
parent's memory, from which the children's future dawned, a fair 
and promising morning. 

Bienville, while his letters of recall were journeying to him, was 
holding regular sittings in New Orleans, with the Superior Council, 
purveying to the ever-increasing legislative needs of the growing 
commimity under their charge, recognized that the time had come to 
extend the aegis of the law over the accumulating population of negroes 
who had been, and were being, brought into the colony, with all the 
crude barbarity of their native wilds upon them, by the competing 
cupidity of alien companies. A legal mode was required for freeing 
those whom gratitude or affection thus conmiended (a by no means 
inconsiderable number, as statistics of the time show), and for de- 
fining and protecting the human rights which a state of slavery still 
allowed the others. The code of regulations, celebrated under the 
name of the Black Code,* compiled by the jurists of Louis XIV, for 
the island of St. Domingo, was adopted, and, with a few curtail- 
ments and alterations, promulgated in Louisiana in March, 1724. 
It was the last public ordinance to which Bienville attached his name 
befwe returning to France. He, nevertheless, was destituted and in 
his ruin involved his family. 

Perrier was named governor to succeed him. His name dropped 
out of the official records. His life in Paris is a blank which the 
imagination alone can fill. 

Affairs in Louisiana prospered and New Orleans progressed in 
the good way of all conmiercially necessary cities. But under Perrier 

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48 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

military discipline was relaxed and the absence of Bienville's firm 
grasp and vigilant eye upon the Indians soon made itself felt. 

Systematic injustice and daily petty tyrannies on the part of the 
French had consolidated the whole Natchez nation against them. 
In 1729, a culminating outrage; ursurpation of their territory by the 
officer in command had been the signal of revolt; the gross careless- 
ness and the blind self confidence of the same officer had not only 
made the catastrophe possible but a bloody success. The massacre 
of the entire French white settlement followed, and the news came to 
Perrier of a general confederacy of the Indians and a grand plot to 
massacre the entire French colony. The Natchez in the meantime 
securely fortified themselves in their village. Perrier proved totally 
unfit to meet the situation and the futility of his campaigns and his 
failures to punish the Indians increased their confidence and audacity. 
The warning came from New Orleans to France, "If it is desired to 
save the coimtry which is in the greatest danger, it is indispensably 
necessary to send back the Sieur de Bienville." The Ministry of 
Marine acted upon it. Bienville was re-established in. his former 
position by the Royal Government. He arrived in New Orleans in 
1733 and took up his residence in his old hotel and for two years 
devoted himself to the measures necessary to punish the Natchez. 

His plan of campaign was one in which he thought he had 
employed every imaginable means for success. Artillery and troops 
were sent to him fi-om France under competent officers. He raised 
a force of five hundred men in the colony and secured the coopera- 
tion of friendly Indians. But his first expedition met with a defeat 
as bad as Perrier's and he was forced to return to New Orleans 
where he began anew preparations for another campaign based on the 
disastrous experience acquired. All the assistance demanded from 
the home govenmient was sent him; arms, anmiunition, provisions, 
merchandise; seven himdred soldiers, including bombardiers, can- 
nonniers, and miners; four himdred horses were collected for trans- 
portation service, sixteen hundred Indians were added to the Colonial 
troops. One hundred Canadians were sent to him. With such an 
armament against them, it was counted on with confidence that the 
Indians could make no effective resistance. But the end of this 
campaign was even more disastrous than the first one. The end of it 
was a council of war held by Bienville and his officers to decide 
how to end with the least humiliation to the French arms a situation 
that was becoming daily more critical and untenable. The Indians 
assisted by bad weather, had proved themselves themillitary masters 

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Notes on the Life and Services ofBeinville 49 

of the French and had outfought and outwitted the pompous array 
of arms against them. 

Bienville, in his account of it to the Minister of Marine, says all 
that could be said about his failure: *1 feel with grief that your 
Highness will not be satisfied with this enterprise which has cost the 
King so much expense; but I flatter myself at the same time that you 
will kindly observe that I did not neglect a single precaution necessary . 
to render the campaign as glorious as his Majesty had reason to ex- 
pect;'* relating the conjunction, in time, of all his reinforcements, 
his store of provisions; more than necessary, had it not been for the 
inevitable obstacles, his loss of cattle and horses. "At any rate, my 
Lord, if we have not come out of the affair with all the glory we had 
a right to promise ourselves, the glory of the king's arms has not 

Through the succeeding years of his administration, Bienville's 
sense of failure increased instead of diminished. His discouragement 
sapped from his heart all the old optimism that had vivified his de- 
votion to the colony. He wrote to the Minister asking leave to resign : 
"The labor, the anxiety and the trouble of mind which I have had to 
bear for the eight years during which it has pleased your Highness 
to maintain me in this government have so enfeebled my healUi that 
I should not hesitate to supplicate you to give me leave to cross over 
to France by the first vessel of the king if the interest of the Colony 
and my reputation did not exact of me that I should put the finishing 
touches to the treaty of peace I have conmienced with the Chicka- 
saws. It is thus after having re-established peace and tranquili- 
ty in the colony that I desire that it may be permitted me to make a 
voyage to France to restore my exhausted health. I supplicate 
your Highness, therefore, kindly to ask permission of the King for me. 
I do not expect to be able to profit by it before the return of the ves- 
sel of 1742, and in case France does not take part in the war which 
is lighted in Europe." 

There is no allusion in any of his reports or letters to the jeal- 
ousies, piques, and contentions with which he might have sought to 
excuse some of the unsuccess of the expedition. On the contrary, 
writing, so soon after his himiiliation, he makes a moving plea for 
promotions among his officers andthat they be paid in bills of exchange, 
instead of in the vitiated card money of the colony: — 

"Losses have fallen upon them, which make their life so hard that it is 
not possible for them to maintain themseves here. I supplicate his Highness 
to have some regard to the very humble prayer which I have the honor ot 
making him. I know that the officers who have no plantations, however 

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50 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

moderately they live, cannot sustain themselves without going into debt; and 
those who have plantations have difficulty in keeping even with their 

"If success had always responded. to my application to the 
affairs of this government, and to my zeal for the service of the king, 
I should willingly have consecrated the rest of my days to him; but 
a species of fatality, for some time, pursuing and thwarting most of 
my best-concerted plans, has often made me lose the fruit of my 
labors, and perhaps a part of the confidence of your Highness in me. 
I have not thought, therefore, that I should strain myself any longer 
against my misfortune. I wish that the officer who will be chosen to 
succeed me may be happier than I." 

His last demand upon the Government was for a college for the 
colony, to be situated at New Orleans — a demand that was refused. 

The Marquis de Vaudreuil, his successor, arrived on the 10th of 
May, 1743, when Bienville took his departure from the colony, 
never more to see it. He had passed forty-four years working in it 
and for it. As a mark of favor, the Minister of Marine allowed 
him the bills of exchange asked for, in which to place proceeds of the 
sale of his property. The fear of bearing too heavily upon the com- 
merce, he said, had made him ask for only sixty thousand livres, 
which would be about the sum of his effects and a part of his negroes. 
He had decided not to sell his land at present, nor the rest of his negroes. 
His salary for last term of his appointment was twelve thousand 
livres a year. 

Out of the oblivion of his after life in Paris the figure of Bienville 
arises but once again into history, at the appeal of the colony which 
had learned to call him "Father." It is an episode which local 
traditions cherish, — z, scene the imagination loves to represent. 

At Versailles, April 21, 1764, the king and his minister, De 
Choiseul, signed the instrument which instructed the Governor of 
Louisiana, Abadie, to make known to the colonists the fact of the 
donation of their country and themselves to Charles III of Spain, 
and his gracious acceptance. 

It seemed too incredible, even from a king of France, too base 
even from Louis XV. The colonists passed from their first state of 
consternation to one of deliberation and reason. By a precocious intui- 
tion of the rights of a people; a large and notable assembly, composed 
of representatives from every parish, was held in New Orleans; 
and to the orders of the king to Abadie, they responded, with a peti- 
tion from themselves to the king — ^a petition heart-moving in its ap- 



Notes on the Life and Services of Bienville 51 

peal not to be thrown out from their mother-country, not to be 
cut off from their ancestral allegiance. 

Jean Milhet was deputed to take this petition to France and lay 
it at the foot of the throne. Arrived in Paris, Milhet sought out 
Bienville. The young ensign of the discovery of the Mississippi 
was then in his eighty-six year. The white-haired Canadian patriarch 
appeared with the young deputy before the courtesan's servitor 
who had penned it all away, — the great Mississippi river, valley, 
and delta, the long, unbroken line of Gulf coast, Iberville's great 
scheme, his own great colony, the city he had foimded. 

The chronicle merely adds that De Choiseul managed to pre- 
vent both them and their petition from coming under the eyes of the 
king, who, in his satumaUan orgies, far from remembering that he 
had ever had a Bien\alle, had forgotten that he ever possessed a 

Bienville died in 1768. He wa^ thus spared overliving the final 
passing of his colony and family and friends under the Spanish yoke. 

During Milhet's absence the colonists, with the blind faith of 
bigots in their king and country, refused recognition of Spanish 
authority, ordering the Spanish governor, Ulloa, and his ships away. 

Milhet returned with the account of his fruitless efforts. The 
colony fell into the desperation that succeeds to hoping against hope. 
A wild, premature flutter for liberty broke out in their coimdls. 
Their talk, their speeches, rang with a tone which was afterwards to 
be qualified in history as ''American." Armed resistance was made. 
O'Reilly, the avenger of Ulloa and Spanish royalty, landed in New 
Orleans, July, 1769. On the 25th October following, six of the rebels, 
as they were called, were shot in the barrack yard. Among them was 
Bienville's grand-nephew, the young Jean Baptiste, commonly 
known as Bienville de Noyan. Six more were exported to Cuba and 
condemned to prison for terms varying from six years to lifetime. 
The twelve had their property confiscated. All the "chiefs and au- 
thors of the rebellion," as wrote Ulloa to Grimaldi, minister of Spain, 
were the children of Canadians, who had followed Bienville to 
Louisiana, "and who had received so little education that they did 
not know even how to write, having come, with the axe on their 
shoulder, to live by the work of their hands." 

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MADE IN 1765. 

In the name of the Father, etc. 

Persuaded, as I am, of the necessity of death, and of the uncer- 
tainty of the hour, I wish, before it arrives, to put my affairs in order. 
Firstly, I consign my soul to God. I wish to live and die in the bosom 
of the Church. I implore the mercy of God and of Jesus Christ, my 
Saviour. I ask the protection of the Holy Virgin, Mother of God, 
and of Saint John the Baptist, my patron saint, and of all the saints 
of paradise. 

I give and bequeath to the poor of the parish in which I die, the 
sum of one thousand pounds, in one payment. I direct that three 
hundred masses be said for the repose of my soul, in such church as 
my testamentary executor may choose. I give and bequeath to the 
herein-named Veuraine, called Picard, my valet, a pension of two 
hxmdred and fifty pounds during his life, if he be in my service the 
day of my death. Moreover, an agreement shall be made with him, 
by which he shall receive, by the payment of two himdred and fifty 
potmds, a life rental of the house I placed over his head. I further 
give and bequeath to him my wardrobe, consisting of all my personal 
apparel, such as coats, shirts. I further give him the bed and bedding 
on which he sleeps. 

I give and bequeath to the herein-named Renaud, my cook, 
the sum of three hundred pounds, if she remain in my service till the 
day of my death. 

I give and bequeath to the herein-named Marechal, my footman, 
two hundred francs, to be paid at once, if he remain in my service till 
the day of my death. 

I give and bequeath to the herein-named Baron, my coachman, 
the simi of one hundred pounds, if he is still in my service. 

I give and bequeath to the herein-named Marguerite, the girl 
who helps in the kitchen, sixty francs, if she remain in my service till 
the day of my death. 

I declare that all my property is acquired, and that the little 
which I should have received from my father and mother was lost 
during my minority; for this reason, being free to dispose of my 
property in favour of whom I please, I wish by this will, as much as 
is in my power, to give to all of my nearest relatives marks of my 
friendship and liberality. 

I give and bequeath to my nephew, Payan de Noyan, Siegneur 
de Chavoy, in lower Normandy, son of my sister Le Mojme de Noyan 

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Bienville's Will 53 

the sum of ten thousand pounds, to be taken from the share of my 
grand-nephew, Payan de Noyan, to whom I advanced a like sum of 
ten thousand pounds to buy a commission in the cavalry, and whose 
note I hold. 

I give and bequeath to my nephew Le Moyne de Longueil, son 
of my eldest brother, Le Moyne de Longueil, a diamond worth 
fifteen himdred francs, to be paid at once. 

I give and bequeath to my two grand-nieces, De Grandive de 
Lavanaie, (or Savanaie) who are daughters of my niece Le Moyne 
d'Iberville, who was daughter of my brother Le Moyne d'Iberville, 
each a diamond worth fifteen himdred pounds. 

I make and institute my imiversal legatees for one fourth, my 
grand-nephew Le Moyne de Longueil, son of my nephew Le Moyne 
de Longueil, who is son of my eldest brother Le Moyne de Longueil; 
my nephew Le Moyne de Serigny, younger son of my brother Le 
Moyne de Serigny, for another fourth. My nephew Le Moyne de 
Chateauguay , who is the son of my brother Le Moyne de Chateauguay 
for another fourth. And my grand-nephews Le Moyne de Serigny de 
Loir, and their sister, children of my nephew, Le Moyne de Serigny 
de Loir, for the last fourth. 

I charge my said universal legatees to pay all my just debts, 
should I leave any, — I do not think I shall, — ^and to carry out all the 
provisions of this my present will. 

I name as executor of this will my said nephew Le Moyne de 
Serigny, yoimger son of my brother Le Moyne de Serigny, praying 
and desiring him to execute my present will as containing my last 
wishes. To this end I revoke all other wills and codicils, this present 
one containing my last wishes. 

Made, written and signed by my hand in Paris the fifteenth of 
January, one thousand seven himdred and sixty-five. 


On the margin: — 

Registered in Paris, the fifteenth of April, one thousand seven 
hundred and sixty-seven. 

Received: sixty-five pounds. — LANGLOIS. 

I have forgotten in this will to make mention of my nephew 
Payan de Noyan, son of my sister Le Moyne de Noyan, to whom I 
give and bequeath a diamond worth fifteen hundred poimds. 

Paris, the fifteenth of April, one thousand seven hundred and 

Registered in Paris, April fifteenth, seventeen himdred and sixty- . 
seven. Received: thirteen cents. — ^LANGLOIS. 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 

Sidelights on New Orleans in 
BienvUle's Time 


REFERENCES : Louisiana Historical Society M SS. 

GorrespondMice Generale, 1678- 17t6 

Loulslsiiifi GoncMsions 

Documents sur la Loulslane 

Notes from Margry 

Mississippi VaUey 1690-1719 

Gayarre's Essal Hlstorique 

Hist, de la Loulslane par De Bouche 

Digitized by 



By Heloise Hulse Cruzat. 

The history of the founding of the city of New Orleans is of world 
wide interest, combining as it does in its early years the most diver- 
gent blood of Ei^ope, and having as a part of Louisiana, undergone 
the most vital changes. Founded by the French, it was turned over 
to failing financiers returned to a dissolute monarch, to be bartered 
like ordinary chattel to Spain, reverting once more to France to be 
sold to the infant republic which it has helped to swell to the giant 
republic of today. 


1718. The Ryswick peace in Europe after long wars instigated 
and allowed the establishment of Louisiana (1699) and the founding 
of New Orleans (1718). 

1918. The demon of war let loose over the whole world will 
change our maps, alter boimdaries, and consolidate or annihilate 
democracy. In the history of nations some dates conjure up the 
past, repeopl^ it, bring back names and personages that loom up so 
large at a period that they make it their own. In going over the ink- 
eaten and time-worn documents in the care of the Louisiana His- 
torical Society, the soundless voices of life and love and death re- 
suscitate these wraiths of the past. We live over with them their 
hopes and fears, their disappointments, their failures and their 
successes, and the grandest of them all is the **Father of New Orleans," 

Bienville the great, the just, navigator, explorer, soldier, legislator, 
financier, surrounded by a halo which has not waned with time. In 
a new and distant land he upheld the banner which bore the lillies 
of France with its traditions of honor and glory; with strength of 
character and courage which never faltered he faced danger, labor, pri- 
vation, external and internal foes. His great mind rose above per- 
secution and petty jealousies; he realized and mastered the needs of 
the colony he foimded on the banks of the Mississippi and forced 
the nations of this continent to treat it with respect. His work was 
not the outcome of a thirst for gold nor adventures. A higher ambi- 
tion stirred his soul, and the sublimity of the task he imdertook and 
fulfilled equaled that of the missionary. Bienville belonged to that 
race Casgrain has called "the strongest ever implanted on the Ameri- 

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56 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

can continent: the Canadian. The noblest blood which ever ran 
in the veins of humanity flows in theirs, — the blood of France." 

The Frencl; Canadian family of Lemoyne did so much for 
Louisiana that we have as great a claim upon it as Canada. Six 
of the Lemoyne brothers gave their services to the establishment of 
Louisiana, and one of the daughters paid her tribute of blood to France 
in the person of her grandson, de Noyan, one of the Louisiana martyrs. 
Bienville was of Norman descent. His father, Charles Lemoyne, 
was bom at Dieppe, Normandy, (France) in 1626. His parents 
were Pierre Lemoyne and Judith Duchesne, The transplanting 
of Bienville's ancestors in the new world dcame in 1641, when Charles 
Lemoyne went to join his uncle, Adrien Duchesne in Quebec. Short- 
ly afterwards, the boy of fifteen was sent by the Jesuits to the Huron 
settlement, where he remained four years, and in that time learned 
all the Indian dialects (journal des Jesuites). He afterwards served 
as an interpreter at Ville Marie and married there, in 1654, Catherine 
Thierry, bom in Rouen, (France), but we find her in Quebec in 
1652, as a pupil of the Ursulines. She was afterwards called Catherine 
Primot from her foster parents, who, after her marriage to Charles 
Lemoyne, legalized the adoption. In 1657 Charles Lemoyne became 
master of the grant of Longueuil, "concession seigneurale," op- 
posite Montreal, south of the St. Lawrence river, and in the course 
of the eight following years obtained the islands of St. Helena and 
de la. Ronde. 

In 1667, at the instigation of Talon, intendant of Canada, Charles 
Lemoyne received from Louis XIV of France letters patent of nobili- 
ty in retum for services to the crown. He is supposed to have named 
the grant of Longueil from the village of that name in Normandy, 
but Viger says that it was so called by Lemoyne in significance of 
the extensive view of the St. Lawrence from Longueil (long-oeil). 
He received three concessions besides those above mentioned, among 
them Chateauguay , which title he annexed in 1673 to that of Longueuil 
**Sieur de Longueuil et de Chateauguay (notes from Howard library). 
Charles Lemoyne died in 1685 and his widow in 1690, Lemoyne 
shortly before his death ceded his title to his eldest son Charles. 
Charles Lemoyne and Catherine Primot had 14 children. 
1°. Charles Lemoyne, Sieur de Longueuil, created Baron of 
Longueuil in 1699, first married to Elizabeth Souard d'Adou- 
court, and secondly to Marguerite Legardeur. This first 
baron of Longueuil with two of his brothers took part in the 
battle of Hudson bay. At the death of the Marquis de Vau- 
dreuil, govemor of Canada, the baron de Longueuil govemed 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 57 

the country during the year which elapsed before the nomi- 
nation of the next governor. He was killed at the battle of 
Saratoga. Prom this Charles (II) Lemoyne descend the Grant 
family of Canada who have a right to the title though they 
do not bear the name of Longueuil. 

2"". Jacques Lemoyne, Sieur de Ste Helfene, took his title from the 
island of that name opposite Montreal. He was killed defend- 
ing Quebec in 1690. The Onantaguas in consideration of hisr 
valor adopted him, and at his death sent his widow a delega- 
tion bearing a porcelain necklace as a sign of sympathy. He 
had married Jeanne Dufresnoy Carion and left two daughters 
and a son, 

y. Pierre Lemoyne d' Iberville, a soldier at the age of fourteen, 
was the greatest mariner of his time. He was the first to enter 
the Mississippi by its delta and fotmded Louisiana. He died 
of a fever in Havana in 1706, aged 44 years. He had married 
Marie Therese PoUette de la Combe Pocatiere and left two 
children. His widow, by a second marriage in France, became 
Countess of Bethune. 

4**. Paul Lemoyne de Maricourt, bom in 1663, married twice. 
His first wife was Marie Madeleine Dupont de Neuville and 
the second Francoise Aubert. He accompanied Iberville in all 
his expeditions and aided him in concluding the great treaty 
of peace with the savages in 1700. Paul Lemoyne died in 

S"". Francois Lemoyne de Bienville I, bom in 1666, died in 1691, 

at Repentigny, Quebec, fighting against the Iroquis,who set 

- fire to the house he was defending. He was but 25 years old. 

e''. Joseph Lemoyne de Serigny, bom July 22, 1668, married to 
Elizabeth Heron, soldier and explorer, died as governor of 
Rochefort in 1734. He left two sons and a daughter. 

T. Francois Marie de Sauvole, born September 22, 1670, died 
August 22, 1700 or 1701 (explorer). 

8**. Antoine Lemoyne lived but a day. 

9°. Catherine Jeanne Lemoyne, born March 15, 1673, married to 

Pierre Payen, Seigneur de Noyan, captain in the navy. 
W. Louis, Sieur de Chateauguay, January 4, 1676, killed in battle 

November 4, 1694 — aged 18. 
ir. Marie Anne, born May 13, 1678, married October, 1699, to 
Jean Baptiste Bouillet, 6cuyer, Sieur de la Chassaigne, govemor 
of the town of Three Rivers. 

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58 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

12°. Jean Baptiste Lemoyne de Bienville (II), the "Father of New 

Orleans,'* bom February 23, 1680, died in Paris m 1768. 
IS"*. Gabriel Lemoyne, Sieur d'Assigny, bom November 11, 1681, 

died, 1701. 
14°. Antome Sieur de Chateauguay (II), bom July 17, 1683, died 

March 21, 1747, govemor of Cayenne, of Tlsle Royale. He 

married Emilie de Fontaine. 

The name of Lemoyne among the descendants of Charles Le- 
moyne de Longueuil, extinct in Canada, still existed in France at 
the end of the past century in the posterity of Joseph Lemoyne de 
Serigny, govemor of Rochefort. — (Jadouin and Vincent, Howard 
Library and Annals of the Ursulines of Quebec.) 

Pierre d' Iberville, the third son of Charles Lemoyne, had dis- 
tinguished himself by exploits which had brought him great renown. 
His victories over the ^^nglish in Hudson Bay and on the New Found- 
land coast read like a tale of the ancient Paladins, and when the peace 
of Ryswick brought respite to France and seemed to break his career, 
his mind and desires tumed to explorations. He petitioned the 
French Cabinet for a conmiission to explore and colonize the lower 
part of the Mississippi. He obtained a fleet of four vessels, and, at 
San Domingo, added to it another under conmiand of Chateau- 
morant. The first land they sighted was Santa Rosa island and the 
harbor of Pensacola (formerly Anchusi). It was in possession of the 
Spaniards tmder Don Andres de la Riola. A heavy fog like a winding 
sheet enveloped the harbor and both French and Spaniards waited 
with no little anxiety for it to lift. The French were not allowed to 
land and the Spanish after an exchange of courtesies, on the gulf, 
bade them God-speed with as much alacrity as politeness. A letter 
from Chateaumorant to Count Ponchartrain gives details of this 
reception. All that bears on this episode is contained in the following 

(Translated from Louisiana Historical Society docimients.) 

''June 23, 1699. 
'Tour Lordship: 

**I left, as I had the honor of informing you, Wednesday, De- 
cember 31st, at midnight from the harbor of Leogane with Messrs. 
d'Iberville and de Surg&res, Mr. de Grasse, captain of a light frigate, 
embarked with me and was of great assistance; besides being a per- 
fect sailor he knows all the rocks and ports to Mexico, having all his 
life navigated on that route. 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 59 

'^Thursday, January 22, at 10 P. M. I found a sounding of 180 
fathoms, mud bottom. I made for the channel waiting for daylight, 
soxmding from hour to hour and as at two hours after midnight the 
weather was exceedingly windy and the night very dark and stormy 
and that I only found 160 fathoms of water, mud bottom, I gave the 
signals of the point, where I stayed until Friday 23rd when the weath- 
er cleared, and in soimding I only found 140 fathoms, mud bottom. 
Then the wind being north N. W. I made my way with half sail 
N. E. to hunt for land, soxind in hand; two and a half hotirs after 
noon I found 36 fathoms, coarse sand, grey-white mixed with small 
shells. At 4 P. M. I sounded and foimd but 32 fathoms same bot- 
tom; at 5:29 P. M. I determined to anchor to wait for day, not sight- 
ing any land, though the weather was fine. Night having come I 
saw a great fire to N. W. . . . which showed me that I could not be 
very far from land. I have since heard that when savages went on a 
hunt they set fire to the ends of the savannahs holding wild beasts, 
in the path of the wind, and these animals fleeing from the &e pass 
the places where the hunters are posted who kill as many as they 
wish. Whilst I hugged the shore, almost every night I saw these 
fires. The savages choose a time of great drought to go on a hunt 
and it is generally in December, January and February, because at 
that time there are heavy north-west winds. 

'*At six Sattirday morning, January 24th, I got undet sail and 
steered for the cape, to the north, north-west, until 1 A. M. when I 
sighted land, remained to N. E. only five or six leagues distant, then 
I put on full sail for reconnoitering, but there was little wind; af noon 
it was still north and N. E. about from four to five leagues. It is a 
low land completely innundated and as I still held the sound in hand 
two hours after noon I found 20 fathoms of water, coarse grey-black 
sand; at 4 P. M. there were 16 fathoms, at 5 o'clock 16 fathoms fine 
white sand, at six P. M. same bottom with black stains, and as I was 
only two leagues from land I anchored to await day. 

"Mr. d'Iberville came on my board this night and I told him, 
that having come solely to aid him, we had but to follow his instruc- 
tions and as to myself, I would follow him as long as my provisions 
would permit me and that he would deem me useful. 

"On Sunday, January 25th, at 6 A. M. the wind was to the east 
and Mr. d' Iberville made the signals to set sail. I followed him, 
running along the coast. We put the cape to the west. 

"The Biscayen (shallop) was ahead of us with Mr. Lescalette 
trying to discover some harbor or mouth of a river 

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60 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

"At 9 A. M. Lescalette signalled that he had reached the entrance 
of a river and came on board of Mr. d'Iberville's boat to tell him that 
he saw boats and they inmiediately came to warn me, but as soon as 
they boarded the fog became ^ thick that we had to anchor and they 
begged me to give the signals .which were five cannon shots, that the 
vessels and fishing vessels anchor also. The ships in port answered, 
thinking it was their armadilla which was to pass there to go to Vera 
Cruz. The fog lasted till 3 or 4 P. M. when we perceived sails and 
vessels, one of which flew the white flag at the head of the main mast, 
and a shallop with many persons coming to us, but when it was near 
it stopped; we knew that it was because we had not yet shown our 
colors; as soon as we unfurled the flag the shallop went back to land 
and we sent no one on accoimt of the late hour, but we anchored 
about one and a half miles. The next day, Tuesday 27th, Mr. 
d'Iberville sent Mr. de Lescalette at the break of day to ask per- 
mission to enter the port, tmder pretext of taking on water and wood. 
I did not carry any flame, leaving to Mr. d'Iberville the whole care as 
Your Lordship ordered in the given instructions. He sent a messenger 
to ask me to display my cotors as my ship was the largest, and that 
they could very wdl turn out to be English from the news he had. 
They were Spaniards who had come to establish themselves since 
three or four months. They were in bad condition, and were even 
obhged to keep some of their men in irons whilst we were near, 
coming as they did from all parts of the world. They began a fort 
which is not finished; the country is so poor that the officers proclaim 
that they wish, they were out of it. They say however that five or 
six leagues inward it is not the same. 

"The commander of this coimtry asked Mr. de Lescalette who 
commanded the vessels of the king; he told him it was I, and he sent 
me his sargent major with a letter expressing regrets not to be able 
to allow the ships of the King to enter the port as he was forbidden 
to permit any nation to do so, being a recent colony, not yet firmly 
established, and as to the wood and water which we might need, 
their men would furnish with their shallops as much as the King's 
ships needed and as to other refi-eshments they needed them more 
than us, having naught but what came fi-om Vera Cruz. I kept the 
letters he wrote and if it pleases you I shall have the honor to forward 
them to you. He also offered Uie officers if they wished to land to 
receive them as best they could. Those who manned the shallop, 
the sargent major and the officers with them, all speaking good French, 
begged me for biscuit, saying they were starving on land and that, if 
we wanted to receive them, they and some of their comrades on 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 61 

land would be delighted to leave this country and serve the King of 
France. I had them fed and sent them word to guard well against 
deserting because I would be obliged to send them back. As to the 
sargent major, and the officers who came on board, from the way 
they ate, we saw that what had been said was true. 

"In concert with Mr. d'Iberville, I informed the Governor 
that, not finding the King's ships in security, I would on the morrow 
sound the entrance of the river, that I might be familiar with it in 
case a south wind forced me into its mouth. 

**0n Wednesday I sent Mr. de Brache, lieutenant on the Frangois, 
with a pilot who sounded up to the anchored vessels, whereupon 
the governor wrote and begged me to call back the shallops which 
were sounding, and after getting my letter saying that l did not feel 
secure, he sent me the royal pilot with orders for him to put me in 
safety at some place on the coast, but not in their port. Those 
people fear everything, they are very weak, they are few in niunbers, 
and if we had orders to take their country, we would have done so 
at small cost. I kept this pilot until the eve of my departure from their 
port. He told me that there was a ship in the port with sails spread 
for the gallions, ready to leave for Vera Cruz, and that the governor 
was to leave on the 27th or 28th; that the arrival of the King's ships 
had retarded his departure and that of his ships. I forgot to say 
that the captain of one of these vessels came to dine on board. I 
showed him the ship; he found it very fine. I wrote to the governor 
on this captain's return, at Mr. d'Iberville's bidding, and told him 
that I was tp sail along the coast in order to get news of some Cana- 
dians who left Canada to join the savages, and to serve on them the 
King's orders to retire. 

"I had from this pilot, before sending him away, a description 
of this coast and asked if there was no danger to range alongside. 
He informed me that there was a bar a half a league out at sea. 
You will see it marked on the map I am sending you. He named 
these isles, isles of St. Diegue and, as I afterwards heard, was correct 
in what he said. I showed him the map you sent me and he said 
there were some places not well marked, but Mr. de Brache had one 
from his brother, who is at St. Diegue, which he foimd much better 
and which is certainly superior to the first as we saw in regard to this 
coast. I also asked if there were any strange ships on the coast, he 
said there were none. Then I asked Mr. d' Iberville if I was still 
useful to him, to execute orders given me. He answered that he might 
need me and begged me not to leave him, which I did as directed 

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62 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

by you, following him, Your Lordship, till the day he gave his pack- 
ages saying I could leave when I wished. 

'^January 30th at 7 A. M. Mr. d'Iberville gave the order to start. 
Saturday, January 31st at 7 A. M. we set sail. 

"On the 10th of February I dined with Mr. d'Iberville and he 
told me that as soon as it would be a little finer he would sail along 
the coast to try and speak to some savages, which he did the same 
day. He found a dugout with savages; as soon as they saw him they 
all made for land and took to the woods, except one good old man 
who had been wounded in the thigh, some days previous, by a wild 
bull, and who could not escape as his companions. Mr. d'Iberville 
made him understand thiat he was a friend, that he wished him no 
harm, and seeing that the poor old man was cold he made him a pres- 
ent of some shirts and a blanket, had him set on the ground and a 
fire lit for him on account of the intense cold. The savage thanked 
Mr. d'Iberville in his way and gave him to understand that he was 
leaving, but would come back the next day. 

''Mr. d'Iberville retired but returned the next day, and found a 
great number of savages who received him very well. He took some 
on board with him and left in their place his brother and two Cana- 
dians. I saw them; they are all well built and robust and they told 
us that their nations were: The Bayongonlas, Mongoulouchas and 
Anaxis. I questioned them by sign and they answered like real 
hogs by an aspiration. 

"Mr. d'Iberville who will trade with them will more particular- 
ly inform you of what he knows of them, if he can understand them. 

"On the 20th of February, I dined with Mr. d'Iberville and he 
asked me if I was in condition to be able to give him provisions for 
his crew. I was too short to offer him any but had some flour and wine 
from my provision bought at Ltogane. What I brought from France 
was partly spoiled. I offered it to him on condition that he would 
pay me what it had cost, so that I might buy more, or that he would 
have the simi refunded to me in the same kind by Mr. Ducasse. 
He wrote a letter to Mr. Ducasse who reimbursed me in kind. The 
same day he gave me his packages saying that I was free to leave 
when I chose, that he was going to look for the Mississippi and 
would leave the vessels where they were with Mr. de Surgeres. I 
asked the pilot if he had no acquaintances on this river. He said he 
knew no one but he had heard of a river which went up to Canada, 
which was beyond the isles of St. Diegue, but that at its mouth 
there was no water, only great floods, and so great a quantity of 
trees that they had formed a kind of bar and that he did not think 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 63 

there was more than one fathom of water. Mr. d' Iberville will have 
the honor of telling you about it." Chateaumorant then gives an 
account of all the mishaps which attended his return trip to Leogane, 
San Domingo, where he arrived June 23, 1700. 

Proceeding on its way the expedition arrived at Mobile Bay 
and touched at an island which they called Massacre, on account 
of the large quantities of bones found there. This island was re- 
named Dauphine Island by Bienville and Diron d'Artaguette in 
1711, the French authorities in Paris finding that the gruesome 
appellation was not encouraging to immigration. The next islands 
on their route were the two Chandeleur islands, a barren stretch of 
land named from the recent celebration of the feast of Candlemas; 
Isle Bourbon, now Cat Island, infested by raccoons which the French 
took for cats; Hpm island, (granted in 1717 to Bienville) ; Deer Island 
which Raudot petitioned for as a grant "to raise rabbits;" and Ship 
Island, where the greater part of the expedition emcamped whilst 
the rest remained on Chandeleur island. 

From Ship Island Iberville and Bienville headed a reconnoiter- 
ing party to the mainland. The variegated hues of foliage which 
clothes the gulf coast in mellow beauty in Autimm had passed away, 
but the abundant and stalwart trees on that thickly wooded coast 
precludes its ever taking on the forlorn aspect which denuded trees, 
draped with sombre grey moss, impart to some shores. 

Reaching the bay they came upon seven dugouts with savages 
who fled to the woods at their approach, but they were able to catch 
up with an old man and a woman whom they loaded with presents, 
at the same time giving the man a mat to sleep on, and lighting a fire 
to keep him warm; unfortimately, as La Harpe relates, the grass 
caught fire during the night and though the French rescued the 
aged savage arid cared for him he expired shortly after. 

However, the woman whom they had treated so cordially in 
duced the savages to meet the white men. These savages belonged 
to the peaceful Bilocchy tribe. Iberville named the bay Biloxi, and 
the next day met the Bayougoulas. Having established friendly 
relations and exchanged presents they smoked the calumet, and as 
customary, when the ceremony was ended d' Iberville gave them the 
caliunet which was made in the shape of an iron ship, adorned with 
''fleurs de lys." and then left them to follow out his mission and 
search for the delta of the Mississippi. 

On February 27th, d'Iberville, Bienville and SauvoUe with 48 
men left Ship Island, Iberville and Bienville in separate barks, and 
on the third day after their departure came in sight of a great ex- 

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64 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

panse of water which seemed like an angry flood. The wind howled 
and swept over them in widening gusts, the white crested waves 
rolled on, and broke with deafening sound against the shore. The 
heavy dark clouds lowered imtil they seemed to blend with the black 
foaming waters. Threatened by storm and wind no landing was pos- 
sible on the spongy banks, when another obstacle rose before them 
in the shape of destructive reefs. Iberville, in desperation, drove his 
boats on them, — the slush parted, — the hollow of his hand filled with 
the muddy water and brought to his lips proved it to be sweet — and 
the end seemed to have been reached. As they ascended the river 
canebreaks, sun-baked prairies, and now and then a patch of primeval 
forest passed before their expectant eyes, but no sign of human life, 
but, even in that season, the air was vibrant with insect life. 

They reached the Bayougoulas before being certain that they 
were in the Mississippi. The Mississippi which had been the river of 
the Inmiaculate Conception, bearing on its virgin bosom Marquette 
and Joliet; the river Colbert when it carried down to its mouth the 
indomitable Cavelier de la Salle, the river St. Louis in Iberville's 
day; the Indian Meschacebee, "Father of Waters," and the Mal- 
bouche, (with its destructive mouth), which went from the gulf to 
the lakes." 

La Harpe says: "Mr. d' Iberville was xmcertain as to his being 
in the Mississippi, finding none of the nations mentioned by La 
Salle. The reason thereof was that the Tangipahoas had been 
destroyed by the Quinipissas who had taken the name of Mougala- 
chas. He was greatly satisfied that Mr. de Bienville, in searching for 
Father Athanase's breviary foimd in an Indian basket a prayer book 
(paire d'heures) in which were inscribed the names of several Cana- 
dians of Mr. de La Salle's detachment and a letter from Tonty 
to de La Salle. He wrote that having heard in Canada of his departure 
from France to foimd an establishment on this river, he had des- 
cended it to the sea with twenty Canadians and thirty Shawnee 
savages from the neighborhood of the Wabash. This news dispelled 
all doubts and confirmed the situation of the entrance of the Missis- 
sippi at 29° Lat. — (Journal historique de La Harpe. MSS. La. Hist. 
Society papers.) 

Other relics of La Salle's expedition were found in possession of 
these Indians, among them Tonty's coat on a Mougalacha chief. 
All doubts laid to rest, the expedition continued on its way up the 
Mississippi as far as the settlement of the Houmas, visiting and con- 
ciliating the savage tribes and smoking the calimiet or chanting 
it with them. 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 65 

"The Calumet/' says Gravier, "was among the North American 
Indians the mysterious symbol of honor and sworn faith. Sceptres 
and crowns in their day were never the object of more sincere or more 
deserved respect. 

"The cross of honor and the flag have a more restricted signifi- 
cance. The commimion which boimd the knights of the middle ages 
and the love feasts of the Christians of the first centuries are more 
faithful images of it. 

"In the memory of man the faith of the calumet was never 
violated. There was one for peace and one for war. They were 
distinguished by the color of the feathers ornamenting them. Red, 
color of blood was special to the war calimiet. 

"The calumet, a kind of pipe, was formed of a perfectly polished 
red stone. The stem, two feet long, was trimmed with gaudy feathers 
and women's hair. 

"In aflFairs of minor importance it was smoked arotmd, passing 
it from hand to hand. In a great ceremony, in honor of a distin- 
guished stranger or a neighboring nation, or to declare war they 
danced it." — (Translation.) 

In some tribes the caliunet was made of marble. The ceremony 
ended by the gift of the caliunet to the honored guests. 

At the Bayougoulas Iberville fotmd the calumet with the fleurs 
de lys which he had given to the savages he met on the Biloxi coast. 
On reaching the Houmas the explorers halted. Aroimd the 
Hoiuna village there was a pallissade of canes 10 feet high. Their 
.temple was in the centre and had a ciraunference of 30 feet, the roof 
was made of split cane. Among the tribes of the lower Mississippi the 
chichicouchy rattles were used in their dances; they were made of 
gourds in which were enclosed a few pebbles. 

From here the expedition redescended the river to the Ascantia 
river, otherwise the Bayou Manchac, and Iberville and Bienville 
separated, Iberville returning to Biloxi by way of Manchac through 
the lakes, and Bienville continuing to the mouth of the Mississippi. 
Iberville passed from Bayou Manchac through two lakes which he 
named Pontchartrain and Maurepas, after the minister of Marine 
of France, Coimt Pontchartrain, and the other for the Minister's 
son. Natchez was then one of the eight villages composing the Indian 
village of Theloel. Iberville called it Rosalie in honor of the Countess 
of Pontchartrain. Many of the names then given by d'Iberville 
remain to this day to recall the French domination and the memory 
of the great man who fotmded Louisiana. 

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Manchac, which means Indian Pass, was long known as Iberville 
river; Plaquemine, from the French word for persimmon, which 
aboimd in that regipn; Pointe a la Hache and Pointe Coupee explain 
themselves; La Croix from the cross planted there by the explorers, 
and Baton Rouge from the leafless red stalks which grew there; Bay 
St. Louis for the King of France, and Biloxi and Pascagoula from the 
tribes inhabiting them. 

Iberville on his second voyage came through Bayou St. John 
where there was a well known Indian trail. Du Pratz says he came 
through Bayou Tchoupic, and that the deserted village of the Quini- 
pissas was on the banks of Bayou Saint John. The conclusion, 
either way, is that Iberville on this trip covered or came very near the 
present site of New Orleans, on which spot formerly stood the ancient 
village of Tchouchoimia. In Gravier's '*Decouvertes et etablisse- 
ments par le sieur Cavelier de la Salle," there is a map by Franquelin, 
dated 1684, which bears the site and name of Tchouchoimia. When 
the French ascended the Mississippi in 1699 this village was but a 
memory; it had been destroyed, or the savages, as it is iisual with 
them, had sought fresh vantage grounds. 

Bienville and SauvoUe continued down the river, but the brothers 
met at a point 18 miles from the mouth of the Mississippi. The ground 
covered had alternately been swamps and canebreaks, but here it was 
high and of easy access, so they determined to erect a fort. They 
had laid it out when Tonty appeared among them. Maltot re- 
mained to finish the fort and Iberville, Tonty and Bienville started 
out to explore Red River. The first cotton planted in Louisiana 
came from seed given by Iberville to the Houmas on this expedition^ 

In these explorations Iberville was accompanied by Serigny, 
Bienville and Sauvolle. Many historians have contended that 
Sauvolle was not a Lemoyne, that Iberville and Bienville never 
referred to him as their brother. It must be remembered that Sau- 
voUe's career in Louisiana was of short duration. Iberville, omnip- 
otent in the colonies from powerful influence he commanded in France, 
obtained for Sauvolle a nomination as governor and placed the 
yotmger brother second in command. In a Lemoyne genealogy he is 
mentioned as Siexir de Sauvolle, Governor of Louisiana. Baron 
Marc de Villiers du Terrage, a recognized authority on Louisiana 
history, says in his "Demises Ann66sde la Louisiane," page 6, speak- 
ing of the voyages on the Mississippi: "A month later d'Iberville 
returned to France to secure reinforcements, leaving the govern- 
ment of the colony to his two brothers: Lemoyne de Sauvolle and 
Lemoyne de Bienville." Further he mentions that Iberville on his 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 67 

return to Biloxi brought "to his brother Sauviolle his nomination as 
governor," left him some provisions and recommended to his brother 
Bienville to continue the progressive exploration and occupation of 
the Mississippi. 

The Mississippi and Red River expeditions ended, Bienville 
remained at the fort on the Mississippi and Ibferville returned to 
Biloxi and began the construction of a fort on Biloxi bay. It had 
"four bastions and 12 pieces of artillery." When the clearing was 
made and the colonists housed, Iberville, the coimt de Surgferes and 
Father Athanase Membr6 returned to France, leaving Sauvolle com- 
mander and Bienville as first lieutenant. 

Now b^ins properly speaking the Bienville record as father of 
Louisiana as well as "father of New Orleans." In this short sketch 
of Bienville many incidents will seem to have been passed over 
lightly and others to have been wholly forgotten, but Grace King's 
able and fertile pen has left so little for those who come after to glean 
that one hardly dares to tread the ground she has so thoroughly 

SauvoUe's first act of authority was to import provisions from 
San Domingo; his next care to establish friendly relations with the 
savages. The usual presents were given by the French to the savage 
tribes. It afterwards became a yearly duty. The English in order to 
gain over the savages tried to outdo the French in generosity, tmtil 
the fund for presents weighed heavily on the French, and to prove 
efficacious it should have been inexhaustible. They accepted the 
custom almost as a tribute and instead of considering it a generosity 
classed it as cowardice. 

Sauvolle, following Iberville's instructions sent Bienville to 
explore the bayous of the Mississippi and it was on his way back to 
Biloxi that he met an English sloop of war. This episode from which 
English Turn took its name is mentioned by d'Iberville in a 
letter to Ponchartrain. 

Excerpts from d'Iberville's letter or journals of his second 
voyage to Louisiana: 

"On the morning of Janxiary 9th Sieur de Sauvolle came on 
board and told me that an Engli^ sloop of 12 cannons commanded 
by Captain Banc came into the Mississippi river towards the end of 
September; my brother Bienville had gone there with 25 men to 
sotmd its mouth. He foimd this sloop 25 miles in the river and 
ordered it to retire, otherwise he would compel it to do so. The 
captain did not hesitate and made for the sea. He learned from him 
that in October 1688 three ships had left London to form an estab- 

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68 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

Ushment on the Mississippi, that they had put in to harbor at Carolina 
from which two boats left, one of 24 cannons and the other of 12. 

"Having gone to the end of the gulf searching for the Mississippi 
which, according to relations, was 100 leagues further west, he had 
found no port except in a bay 80 miles west from here, between 
islands where he fotmd enough water for large boats, but no river, 
only a sandy coast, well wooded near which there was a Spanish 
settlement on the banks of a small river. 

*Trom there they followed the coast, going east, without finding 
any port up to the Mississippi in which the small boat had entered, 
the large one having retraced its route to Panicos, having a meeting 
fixed at the Judjos river on White Cape." 

White Cape was the east end of Santa Rosa Island. — (Translator's 

'This Captain asked many questions about several Englishmen 
from Carolina who must be on land higher up, where he wished to 
lay up. He threatened my brother to come back with boats able to 
enter the river, where he had fotmd but 10 or 12 feet of water, to 
make an establishment on one of its banks. He pretended that the 
English had discovered it more than 50 years ago and taken posses- 
sion of it with the intention of fotmding a cplony there. I do not 
believe that the threat will be carried out. 

* 'Several Englishmen from Carolina were at the Chickasaws 
where they trade deer skins and savage slaves. They come from 
Carolina by ascending a river which ends at high mountains over 
which they make a portage and carry, by means of mules, their 
provisions to the Chickasaws. 

**This report came from a missionary priest from Canada, who 
was sent to the Tonicas who inhabit the banks of a river which 
empties into the Mississippi, 20 leagues aboye Tensas. He went 
there with one of the Tonicas to see if there were any Canadians with 
beaver skins to sell. 

"These Englishmen solicit the Chickasaws to kiU the missionaries, 
which fact was made known by other savages, our allies. I shall take 
measures to take these Englishmen, first drawing them away from 
the Chickasaws, for fear of giving offense to the latter who are our 

"Mr. de SauvoUe will have the honor, Your Lordship, of render- 
ing an account of all that has happened at the fort, where there is 
nothing extraordinary. Four men died there. Coming and going 
from different places I passed there in January for sotmdings and in- 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 69 

vestigation for establishing a harbor without finding anything good 
and commodious. 

"Messrs. d' Avion and Montigny, missionary priests from Quebec, 
placed at the Tensas, came to the fort last sunmier with twelve 
Canadians who joined them at the Arkansas, to which they re- 

'The Oumas and Bayou Goulas reported that the Natchez 
killbd Mr. de Montigny and oneof hismen who went to their village. 
This news gave me much grief to see ourselves at war with that 
country and to see the Oumas and the Bayou Goulas declare it to 
each other. This precludes my sending persons up the river in safety 
and stops communications between the Illinois and the sea, for 
which consideration I believe a reconciliation with the Natchez 
necessary, and to also bring about peace between the Bayou Goulas 
and the Oumas, to be able to penetrate more safely and sensibly into 
the lands to discover the commercial advantages we may expect in 
this coimtry. 

'*I believe, your Lordship, that it was necessary to take posses- 
sion of the Mississippi by a small establishment, for fear the English 
might make one knowing that we have none, and that it might be a 
pretext to maintain themselves, there. 

'Tor this reason I left February 1st, in the long boat with two 
feluccas, and sixty men, and all that I needed for my journey to 
these lands. On February 3rd at 9 a. m. I entered the river, in a 
strong east wind and by the East Pass where I found but eleven 
feet of water, and the entrance difficult of access, the channel being 
but twenty paces wide. In the two other passes there, water is only 
seven and eight feet high. At midnight I met my brother Bienville 
and six men who were eighteen leagues up in the river, the nearest 
spot to the sea in the river which is not inimdated. A Bayou Goula 
was brought from the village. He assured us that to the right, going 
up the river, there are six or seven leagues of land which are never 
under water at high water time. On the edge there is a border of 
wood 50 paces in width of oaks, ash, elm, .poplar, and back of them 
prairies 75 leagues in depth in which are bouquets of trees. "I set 
workmen to cutting down the trees and squaring, in order to built a 
square house of 28 x 28 feet, two stories high with machicoulations, 
two four poxmders, surrotmded by a ditch of eight feet width. I shall 
leave my brother Bienville in command here with 15 men. 

"On the 10th I sent a felucca loaded with provisions up the river 
as high as the Bayou Goulas. This winter is very severe, and strong 
south winds and heavy rains delay my work. 

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70 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

'*0n the 16th, Mr. de Tonty arrived in a canoe with two of his 
men, and 19 Canadians in five canoes who had joined his party. 
Some are from Tamaroua, some married and at the Illinois; they 
brought beaver skins which they left at the Bayou Goulas. They 
relied on finding merchandise here and hoped to dispose of their 
beavers which embarrass them greatly. I heard from Mr. de Tonty 
that there is no truth in the report that the Natchez have killed 
Mr. de Montigny, that they are our friends as well as the other 

"Being ready to ascend the river of La Sablonnifere I invited 
Mr. Tonty to go with me which he did with pleasure. Considering 
that it was for the King's service I induced the other Canadians 
to do likewise, paying them as the other Canadians for the time I 
employed them, in powder and other merchandise which I have here 
as presents, and which I shall use to satisfy them. I hope. Your 
Lordship, that this will meet with your approval. I needed this aid, 
not having 30 Canadians to take with me, 20 being sick and the 
others at the fort on the river. 

**Mr. de Tonty denies ever having written ar^ "relations" of 
this coimtry. Whoever did so made them on spurious memoirs to 
earn money. 

"Mr. de Tonty will be of great assistance as he spieaks the Illinois 
dialect and some of the Canadians will serve as interpreters. 

"This reinforcement of good men will enable me to push much 
further on. I shall be at least two or three months on this journey 
in order to become well acquainted with the country in case I should 
be short of provisions, having only enough to last to the month of 
July. I have written to Mr. de Surgeres that it is advisable for him 
to retiUTi to France as soon as possible and to leave me, from his 
share, one month's provisions and more if he can, as he, like myself, 
has enough to last till the end of July. 

"The 17th and 18th, there was a heavy sleet during the whole 
day and it was very cold. The 19th I left with Mr. de Tonty to go 
to my felucca 40 miles above on the river, at a portage of one league 
from Lake Pontchartrain to the river, where I made Mr. Lescalette 
come with all his baggage by the biscayen (a shallop or long boat); 
he will make pirogues at this portage and ascend the river. 

"Mr. de Tonty and the other Frenchmen believe that he cannot, 
with safety, go to the Sioux without being pltmdered by the Illinois, 
who are determined that no Frenchmen shall go to the Sioux, their 
enemies, with munitions of war. They pillaged eleven Frenchmen, 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 71 

who had 33,000 potinds of beaver skins on their return east last 

I sent the larger long boat to sound the coast to the Appalachees 
and verify the report that the English are established at the bay of 

The long boat having burned, without our ever being able to 
find out who set &e to it, prevented me from sending east and west. 
I thought it was preferable to send to the Appalachees and find out 
what is. going on there on accoimt of the English who know a river 
in the land where they are which empties into the sea near Appala- 

"The establishment of the Spaniards which the English fotmd 
about 90 leagues to the west of the Mississippi is where Mr. de La 
Salle went, and from which place he did not like to see the approach 
of other nations; I will hear news of this at the Cenis where I think 
they may be established. 

"From the way the people above speak there are lead and copper 
mines in abtmdance beyond the Tamarouas. If I had been able to 
send for a sample I wotild have taken it away this year. I shall send 
a reliable man to look into this. The Tamarouas are 480 leagues 
from the sea coast in the upper part of the river. The Sioux, where 
where Mr. Lesueur* is going are about 800 leagues from it. The 
opinion of 15 men who followed this river is that Mr. Lesueur will not 
be able to reach it this year. 

"I hope,. Your Lordship, that before I leave this country I will 
know it well enough to make a faithful report. 

"The 23rd I went to the portage from which I sent my brother 
with men to the Tensas to get a Shawnee who speaks all the dialects 
of the savages on the Sablonniere. This soldier will come over land 
to meet us at the Cadodaquias. The 26th I reached the Bayou Goulas 
with my feluccas which I rowed to bring in 10 marine guards and some 
of my men who were not able to go by land. The Canadians have 
about 4,000 fat dried beavers. 

"I remain with profotmd respect, Your Lordship, 

Your humble and obedient servant, 

Signed: d'IBERVILLE." 

SauvoUe dtuing the short time he governed the colony proved 
that he was capable and "firm. His first care was to send to San Do- 
mingo for provisions. Famine was a frequent guest in those first 
colonial years, the colonists and the mother coimtry being bent only 
on the discovery of mines. France exploited Louisiana, but the 

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help sent was so irregular that Bienville from his fort on the Mis- 
sissippi, had to send his starving men to himt at Bay St. Lx>uis, 
(1701) and SauvoUe gave the missionaries going to the Natchez, 
15 pounds of beads to pay for com, which they were to put in a hut 
so that it would be ready lor those who would come for it, (1701). 
SauvoUe writes that he is obliged to extend charity to travelers, of 
whom there are sixty in Biloxi, though he is hardly in a position to 
succor them. They had come down from Canada with peltries and 
beaver skins and he awaited orders from the mother cotmtry; in the 
meanwhile he had not allowed a single beaver skin to be embarked 
on the vessel which carries this letter, (1701). A memorial from 
Canada to France complained of the exodus of Canadian traders to 
lower Louisiana where they disposed of their peltries and skins and 
thereby hurt the commerce of Canada. 

SauvoUe, foUowing out d'IbervUle's instructions, sent BienviUe 
to explore the bayous of the Mississippi and on a mission of concilia- 
tion among the diflferent savage tribes. 

SauvoUe was for establishing the principal post on the Missis- 
sippi. He considered Biloxi to be of minor importance, and wrote to 
Coimt Pontchartrain that the destitution of the neighboring savages 
was such that if the hope of discovering mines was not realized the 
mother coimtry would never be reimbursed for the expenses in- 

To discourage him stUl more, famine could not be avoided, 
notwithstanding the help of the friendly savages, and, foUowing it, 
came that dread scourge, yellow fever, to which the ambitious and 
promising young commander fell a victim. 

Bienville came from the fort on the Mississippi to replace him, 
and though this sketch is supposed to deal with BienviUe in New 
Orleans, it w6uld be incomplete if some account was not given of 
his previous services at Fort Bourbon on the Mississippi, where 
IbervUle had left a few Canadian famUies; in BUoxi, Dauphine Island, 
Mobile, etc. He actjuired great power over the savages, who loved 
him for his kindness but dreaded his imflinching sense of justice. 
He. conciliated some savage tribes by presents and promises, but 
others he had to subdue. His provisions were scanty and his force of 
men inadequate, but his will and spirit were indomitable and he 
achieved success whidh siupaissed aU expectations. Famine again 
made ravages in the embryo colony, and the years following SauvoUe's 
death were strenuous ones for the young commander. There were 
several factions in the colony headed by the Curate de la Vente and 
La Salle, who was second in command. 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 73 

D'Iberville's powerful influence in France thwarted their plans, 
but their open insolence did not abate. In 1704 The Pelican arrived 
at Biloxi with provisions, ammunitioh, two companies of soldier^ 
and 27 women and girls, but it also brought the plague from Havana. 
Bienville reports 25 deaths on board, 22 dead at the fort and two- 
thirds of the garrison stricken down. In this letter he mentions that 
there is no fresh meat and that the sick are nourished with broth 
made of salt meat. He begs the King to maintain a transport for 
cattle in order to end this hardship. 

The curate and La Salle continued their intrigues and finally 
succeeded in having Bienville recalled to France, but de Muys, who 
was to replace him, died before reaching Louisiana. Bienville, 
awaiting the appointment of another commander, remained in com- 
mand, but La Salle, caught in his own trap, was replaced by Diron 
d'Artaguette, who having investigated, according to orders, Bien- 
ville's administration, exonerated him of all the charges La Salle had 
brought against him. There are documents proving that Bienville 
at this time, far firom enriching himself at the expense of the govern- 
ment, was so poor that he had to borrow money to meet his daily 

It was in this interim that Bienville proposed to exchange three 
savage slaves for two negroes. The only colonists who up to this 
time had amassed any kind of fortxme were tavern keepers who 
dispensed liquor. 

Diron d' Artaguette in a report to France mentions a few colonists 
between the Mississippi and Lake Pontchartrain. Gayarre places 
this small colony of *'5 to 7 inhabitants who have planted an arpent 
of com" at Gentilly. These were the first farmers of Louisiana, for 
it seems to have been a fixed idea with the other colonists that they 
were to receive everything necessary for their subsistence from 

To replace De Muys, Lamothe Cadillac was sent to Louisiana, 
and if his first memorial had carried persuasion with it, Louisiana 
was doomed. He winds up all his disparaging remarks by calling the 
colony, in 1716, "a beast without head nor tail." We have not to deal 
with his mistakes, but the consequence. There is no doubt that this, 
added to d'Artaguette's disparagement of Louisiana, determined the 
concession to Crozat of the exclusive commerce of all the territory 
owned by France between Carolina and Mexico, and of that lying 
on the Mississippi, the Wabash, (St. Jerome river) and the Missouri, 
up to Illinois. In this charter it is evident that France claimed what 
is now Texas. This monopoly was granted in 1712 and was supposed 

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to last fifteen years. It gave Crozat exclusive right over all the 
known and unknown products of Louisiana, and a sum of fifty 
thousand pounds or francs was to be allowed yearly by the French 
government for the salaries of officers of the crown. Its government 
was vested in a Superior Cotmcil. 

It obligated Crozat to send yearly two -ships and a fixed number 
of colonists to Louisiana, and it was this charter which instituted the 
slave trade in Louisiana. France admitted that once a year they 
should send a ship to the coast of Guinea for negroes. The governor 
resided at Dauphine Island. During Cadillac's administration 
Bienville was sent against the Natchez, who had mxirdered four 
Canadians, but with his usual obstinacy Cadillac gave him but 34 
men with which to meet 800 Natchez savages. 

Bienville with this small force knew that he was powerless, but 
his sagacious mind soon formed a plan which he carried out to the 
advantage of the French where they had nothing to expect but de- 
feat from overwhelming numbers. The Great Sun, the Little Sun, 
and the Tattooed Serpent were detained as prisoners xmtil Bienville 
had obtained satisfaction and the heads of three murderers. The 
fort which was later on to become the scene of a bloody massacre 
was built at this time. 

Crozat's monopoly was a signal failure, and in 1717 he gave up 
his charter, which was turned over to a company registered in Paris 
September 6, 1717, as the West India Company, with a capital of 
one hxmdred millions, with privileges as extended as those granted 
to Crozat. There were clauses added for the protection of the colon- 
ists. For instance, no taxes were to be levied on them before the 
expiration of three years. 

Bienville was again nominated as governor, and in 1718 three 
ships arrived with three companies of soldiers and 69 colonists. 
Bienville was now able to carry out his cherished dream of a post on 
the Mississippi, for which he foresaw the brightest possibilities. 
The spot for the establishment of New Orleans had long been deter- 
mined by Bienville. He immediately sailed for the Mississippi and left 
there 50 men to do the clearing imder de Pailhoux, as commander. 
It must have been between the 14th and 16th of April, 1718, but in 
1719 there were only four houses in New Orleans besides the Com- 
pany's sheds. Diron d'Artaguette in a memorial to France says 
that New Orleans was really fotmded in 1722, for the men and con- 
victs left imder de Pailhoux's orders to clear the canebrake and b^in 
building had done nothing. lii 1719 a terrible hurricane and inunda- 
tion occurred and made all work impossible. In 1720 the petty war. 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 75 

relative to the establishment of this post was still rife. Manchac, 
in the interior and communicating with the lakes by Iberville river, 
was deemed by many the most advantageous position; others thought 
the principal post should be at Natchez, foimded since 1716; most 
of the colonists preferred the capital to remain at Biloxi, and Le 
Blond de la Tour, chief engineer of the colony, belonged to this 
party. He had been ordered to look into the situation of New Or- 
leems, and to remove it, if necessary, to a more favorable site, but he 
neglected these instructions. 

De Pauger soxmded the mouth of the river. He first foimd 10 
feet and later on 14 feet of water at the entrance, making it naviga- 
ble for the largest ships of the Company. In 1721 Bienville com- 
missioned him to make the plan of the city. When de Pauger arrived 
the convicts, unwilling to work, fled to the woods, and he had to ap- 
peal to de Pailhoux for laboring hands. The commander put an officer 
and a few soldiers imder his orders; and with these de Pauger finished 
the clearing and laid out the plan of our present city. 

Dumont says that the first circuit contained but four blocks 
defended by a parapet of ditches, the second eight blocks facing the 
river by five in depth. In 1721 there were not 500 inhabitants in 
New Orleans, which was to comprise "all the land on both sides of the 
river St. Louis," and that included between the river and Lake Pont- 
chartrain, and from '*Lake Maurepas to the east, ascending to the 
country of the Tonicas.'' De Pauger had to contend against the ill- 
will exhibited by the clerk of the Company who threw all sorts of 
obstacles and delays in his way; against insubordination and laziness 
among the laborers, and persecution in every shape, but he persevered, 
and when the plan was completed he sent a copy to Le Blond de la 
Totir and one to Bienville. 

Baron Marc de Villiers du Terrage says that the plan was *'mis- 
laid between New Orleans and Biloxi." It remained in Le Blond de 
la Tour's possession and he never produced it imtil ordered to do so 
by the authorities in Paris. It may be easily conceived that Bienville, 
who at first sight had discerned all the advantages of our present 
site, lost no time in forwarding de Pauger's report on the Mississippi 
and the plan. 

Bienville held out for his cherished idea against intrigue and 
opposition imtil the order came to transfer the seat of government 
to New Orleans. 

In 1723 we find Adrien de Pauger at work at the Balize. In 
1724 the streets of New Orleans were first named. The city extended 
from Esplanade to Bienville and from the river to Rampart. ^ Bar- 

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racks and Hospital were not then open; the first street then mentioned 
is rue de TArsenal, which afterwards became "rue des Ursulines," 
St. Philippe, du Maine, Ste Anne, Orleans (the widest), St. Peter, 
Toulouse, St. Louis and Bienville. The river front extended to what is 
now Decatur and was called "rue du Quay"; then comes Qiartres, 
later on the portion from Esplanade to Orleans was called Conde 
and the rest kept its name, Chartres; the next street was "Royale" 
and lastly Bourbon. Dauphine was opened later and gradually the 
city extended in length and breadth. 

The MSS. of the Louisiana Historical Society show how little 
appreciation was accorded to Pauger. His letters to France are long 
recitals of the wrongs inflicted on him. Even his letters were inter- 
cepted and tampered with. It was on his complaint that was issued 
the decree inflicting a severe penalty for interception and opening 
letters addressed to another. The development of the suit of Pauger 
vs. Bienville seems like a tragedy, for the man who did almost as much 
as Bienville towards the fotmding of New Orleans. 

He was evicted from the land he had cleared and cultivated and 
on which he had erected a house, but after his death De la Chaise 
claimed and obtained for his heirs the price expended upon the im- 
provements put on this land, and de Noyan, who represented Bienville, 
turned the sum over to the estate of de Pauger. De Pauger was one 
of the first proprietors of Pointe St. Antoine, later on Pointe Marigny 
(at the site of Vallette St., Algiers). He died in 1726 and was buried 
in the Parish Church, which on the same site preceded our present 
Cathedral of St. Louis. One of the streets in olden times was named 
rue St. Adrien from him, but it has long since been forgotten. New 
Orleans seems to have been lavish in memorials to all passing heroes, 
but entirely oblivious of those to whom it owes its existence. 

True, it was the transmission of Crozat's charter to the Company 
of the West India Company which determined and allowed the foimd- 
ing of New Orleans, but it was Bienville's stubborn perseverence in 
his design and de Pauger's accurate science and energy which were 
the starting point of the rights we possess today. Their faith in the 
future did not waver, and time has fully justified it. Laws' magni- 
ficent scheme fell into fragments tmder treachery. Louisiana, doomed 
to another change, weak and panting xmder a terrible bxirden, was 
to emerge from its successive mutations strong and brilliant. Truly 
the history of the world is not made by chance. 

When Bienville fotmded New Orleans his first care was to 
protest against seniding to the infant colony such persons as would 
retard rather than advance its growth and prosperity; he wanted no 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 77 

useless mouths to feed, he pleaded for a clean city and his plea was 
granted, as may be proved by an ordiance from France prohibiting 
the importation of criminals, vagabonds, etc., to his colony. It was 
customary for European nations to send their criminals and tiu-bu- 
lent element to their colonies in the new world. What Bienville 
obtained for Louisiana was not extended to the other French colonies, 
but Bienville obtained redress in New Orleans. 

Since it has so often been brought up against us let us mention the 
girls who came to New Orleans. Those who came from the house of 
correction went to Pascagoula; those who came imder charge of the 
gray sisters had been, as demanded "raised in piety and drawn from 
sources above suspicion, and knew how to work." As to those sent 
to New Orleans m 1728, (De Villiers du Tarrage says, 1727), they 
were virtuous girls of whom no descendant need be ashamed. They 
were entrusted to the care of the Ursulines, where they remained 
until married. Le Mascrier gives an amusing accoimt of their landing, 
the precautions taken to guard them, the speed with which their 
respective marriages came off, and the quarrel over the last remaining 
one, for whom lots were cast. "One alone," he writes, "had come 
willingly and was called the damsel of good will." These girls were 
called the "filles de la cassette" from the small box or tnmk given 
them by the King. 

The mother cotmtry had forbidden the granting of lands in free 
teniure from Manchac down to the gulf, but it encouraged concessions 
of two or three arpents frontage by a depth of 60 arpents to different 
families of workmen and soldiers. The purpose of this ordinance 
was to.increase the number of inhabitants, to hold them near together, 
above and below New Orleans, so that, in case of attack, the entrance 
from the gulf side might be adequately defended. The lands conceded 
were to be partly cleared and cultivated within the first six months 
and a verbal process made of taking possession of grant, letters 
patent registered, land to be completely fenced, front, rear and sides. 
The colonists neglected these conditions and their indifference gave 
rise to discussions and quarrels. The records of those days aboimd 
in suits of expropriation, recovery of land, etc. The Company 
provided negroes to aid in cultivation, and they were paid for in 
installments at stated periods. Some of the colonists sold these 
negroes before they had finished paying for them. They were obliged 
to obtain permission from the Company to sell even a part of their 
land. Htmting and fishing were free throughout the colony. 

In 1723 it was decreed that concessions which had not been 
cleared and cultivated or had otherwise failed to comply with the 

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conditions imposed on them should revert to the Company of the 
Indies, which Company was free to concede them to other colonists. 
Abandoned lands likewise reverted to the Company. 

That same year the King reduced the quantity of the land to be 
conceded from 60 arpents to 20 arpents; those however who had more 
than 20 arpents in cultivation were confirmed in their titles of pos- 
session of all the cultivated land and the surplus went to the Com- 

The lands granted were paid for four years after taking pos- 
session of them. To enable the Company to construct churches, 
presbyteries and hospitals, a tax was levied on each negro head. 
They tried in the beginning of the colony to concede lands carrying 
with them the title of "sieur," but this fell through inmiediately 
and the "sieurs" in Louisiana came from France and Canada. The 
fact is that the best part of our population were hardy Canadians, 
some with titles and others of humble origin who had come to build a 
home and seek for fortune. — Compiled from Notes from Margry and 
MSS. of Loxiisiana Historical Society. 

Concessions granted to the colonists with the purpose of encourag- 
ing agriculture would have been of no avail if the Company of the Indies 
had not allowed and encouraged the importation of negroes from the 
coast of Guinea. Negroes and negresses, in good physical condition, 
above 17 years, were called "piece d'Inde," which meant that they 
were property of the Company. In 1721 about 900 negroes came 
from the coast of Africa, but one of the frigates burned at sea with its 
human freight and only 500 reached Loxiisiana. 

A colony of Germans sent to Law's concession (1721) as colonists 
lingered long at Biloxi before obtaining transportation to the Missis- 
sippi. Famine survened and they were decimated not only by sickness 
and privation, but by poison fix)m ravenously devouring plants, 
imknown to them, to appease their hunger. On Jime 4, 1722, another 
company of 250 Germans, imder Chevalier d'Arensbourg, a Swede, 
arrived in Louisiana, and with them came the news of Law's failure 
and flight. One may imagine the despair of the colonists, and the 
destitution which followed this news; but France seemed to shake 
off its usual indifference; a shipment of provisions reached the colony 
and hope revived, but the hurricane of 1722 again threw the colonists 
into desperate straits. The only remedy which could be suggested as 
alleviation of their misery was free passage in the Company's ships 
for those whose discouragement led them to wish to retiuii to France. 
Among these were the lately arrived German colonists. Bienville 
to retain them conceded lands to them 20 miles above New Orleans, 

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New Orleans Under Bienville • 79 

on both sides of the river, in the present parishes of St. Charles and 
St. John the Baptist. D'Arensbourg was named commander of the 
"German coast" and these men became the most successful and 
thrifty cultivators of Louisiana. Bienville placed many of these 
destitute families on his concession which he partitioned into minor 
tracts. A sale to Rodolphe Guillard by Veurer, a German vassal 
of Bienville, shows on what terms the lands were given. In 1727, 
Veurer, with the consent of de Noyan, acting for Bienville, turned 
this tract over to Guillard on a yearly rental of 6 farthings an arpent 
or 36 francs in all. He was held to 12 days labor in the year for 
benefit of Mr. de Bienville, and also to furnish him 12 capons. Veurer 
owed 372 francs and Guillard accepted this responsibility. 

In this so called German company there were men of different 
nationality: Pictot, aged 50, came from Moncoutour, Brittany; 
Gaspard Toubs, Erizman and Maurice Kobel were from Switzerland; 
Jacques Poch6, was from Artois, France; Joseph Waguespack, was 
from Alsatia, which was then a French province and had been one 
since 1648; the Verret family of the ''German coast" came from 
Quebec, Canada, etc. 

About this time the Company of the Indies divided Loxiisiana 
into nine districts : Mobile, New Orleans, Biloxi, Alibamons, Natchez, 
Yazoo, Nachitoches, Kaskaskia and Illinois, which had been incor- 
porated in the government of Louisiana in 1717. 

In 1723 Bienville had the satisfaction of transferring the seat 
of government and his residence to New Orleans. There were then 
about one himdred houses and two htmdred inhabitants in the city, 
and the distress was such that the governor implored the Company 
to send salted meats to save them from starvation. With all these 
internal troubles Bienville had not been spared anxiety from without. 
The recurrence of quarrels with the turbulent Natchez savages 
came from illicit trade between them and the French colonists, 
and finally led to a second Natchez war. Bienville again subdued 
them and claimed the heads of the assassins of the Frenchmen, but his- 
efforts and success brought no satisfaction within the colony. In- 
trigues went on increasing in importance and numbers and finally 
Hubert's caliunnious accusations occasioned his recall to France. 
His last act was to promulgate the Black Code for the government 
of the numerous negro slaves indispensable to the planter. This 
code was so complete and so deserving of commendation that O'Reilly 
adopted it for Spain with only a few minor changes. Bienville had 
been in Loxiisiana 34 years when recalled. He presented a memorial 
to the Minister justifying his administration of the colony, recalling 

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his campaigns, his services, his discoveries, the hardships endured, 
the attachment of his family to the King in whose service seven 
brothers had given up their lives, he and three others still being 
in the service, faithfully performing their duties to crown and country. 

His departure did not mend matters; his cousin de Boisbriant, 
governed the colony until the arrival of Perrier, named to succeed 

Bienville had obligated the planters to make levees before each 
plantation, and imder Perrier this work took a more general aspect. 
In 1727 Perrier announced that the levee was finished befwe New 
Orleans, that it was "nine hundred fathoms long by eighteen in 
width and heighth. This year it will extend six leagues above and six 
leagues below the city, and these extensions, though not as strong 
as the city levees, will prevent inimdation." 

There was a canal on Bourbon, street and every lot was surroimd- 
ed by a ditch. Bienville had intended to connect the river and 
bayou St. John by a canal but had not been able to carry out his 
plans. He had succeeded in driving the colonists to cultivation of the 
land and success had followed, holding out a promise of future 
prosperity. Harvests were abimdant; rice, indigo and tobacco 
became staple products; the soil produced native fruit, and others, 
such as oranges and figs were readily naturalized. The impulse was 
given and Louisiana imder an experienced administration would 
have progressed rapidly, but insubordination was always rampant 
in Louisiana, and the outside conditions demanded so much atten- 
tion that it was difficult to quell the turbulent spirit and dissensions 
within. Bienville had held the savages in check by his individuality. 
They knew that any hostile act would be swiftly followed by retribu- 
tion. Perrier tried to keep all the tribes on the Mississippi from the 
Arkansas post to the delta in peace; he made presents to the Chicka- 
saws to induce them to harass the English; he had tried to fortify 
the different posts but had met with no response, and finally the 
.brutality and despotism of the conmiander at the Natchez post 
brought on a conspiracy which was intended to be general, and 
which, if it had not been thwarted in its imity by a Natchez savage 
woman, would not have left a single Frenchman on Louisiana soil. 
As it was, the massacres at the Natchez and Yazoo posts cost the 
French 250 lives at Natchez alone, and at the Yazoo post but one 
woman escaped. Even the Choctaws vacillated between joining the 
conspiracy or denoimcing it. The Chickasaws were the instigators 
of this conspiracy, though then at peace with the French, and after 
the ineffectual campaign undertaken by Perrier, to pimish the 

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New Orleans Under Biemille 81 

Natchez, they gave refuge to the Natchez fugitives. Diron d'Ar- 
taguette throws the blame of the failtire of the French to obtain 
satisfaction from the Natchez on Governor Perrier. 

Perrier in his report says that he cannot sufficiently eulogize 
those who took part in the retaliating expedition. Perrier himself 
acted treacherously towards the Natchez chiefs whom he made 
prisoners when they had come at his instance imder a flag of truce. 
The Great Sun, the Little Sun, 450 women and children and other 
prisoners were sent to Hispanola to be sold as slaves, and the Natchez 
through vengeance continued their depredations on the river. The 
Chickasaws espoused their cause and harassed the colony on land 
and water. Mr. de Beauchamp in a despatch (1731) complains of 
Perrier's hardness to colonists and foes and begs for Bienville's 
recall, as he alone could subdue the savages. 

The Company of the Indies had held their charter 14 years and 
during that lapse of time had spent twenty million pounds; they 
now gave it up and Bienville was again sent to Louisiana as governor 
in 1733. Stopping at Cape Frangois, San Domingo, he saw the 
Natchez chiefs who had been sold as slaves; they assured him that 
they had been goaded on to hostilities by cruelty and injustice, and 
that his return would bring tranquility to the colony. 

A letter from Perrier, dated March 6, 1733, relates that as soon 
as Bienville arrived in New Orleans he transmitted the government 
to him, though Bienville, the eve, had sent him an insulting message 
by the Sieur de Macarty, who came to his house (intoxicated) and 
signified to him that he must at once remove his belongings or he 
would have them thrown on the street. Bienville, to Perrier's dis- 
gust and amazement, rfefused to be received before the troops, and 
thought it suffident to be installed in presence of the Council. He 
criticizes Bienville's design of concluding a treaty of peace with the 
Chickasaws and thanks the Minister for his recall. 

Bienville immediately set to work to clothe the destitute troops, 
to study the changes in the colony, in order to ascertain its needs 
and know what posts he should reinforce. The barracks were not 
habitable; he suggested a new building and pavilions adjoining the 
barracks as lodgings for the officers. He also petitioned the King 
for a year's pay to the retired soldiers who had been formed into 
companies to fight the Natchez. He expected them to remain as 
inhabitants after their discharge if the gratification was allowed. 
He asked for the same compensation for those serving at I'isle Royale 
and thereby retained an industrious and useful imit as population. 
He also claimed a shipment of guns to replace those of the garrison. 

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82 The Louisiana Historical Qmrterly 

out of service from use and rust. As products of Louisiana, he 
mentions: Indigo, abandoned for the culture of tobacco; rice; sugar 
cane, for which he dreads the frost; cotton, sea island cotton, a failure, 
but Siam cotton comes abundantly and without labor; the seed 
being hard to separate a mill was invented of which great results 
were expected. He speaks of silk, (the Ursuline orphanage, the cradle 
of the fabrication of silk in New Orleans) ; hemp, results not satis- 
factory; linen, fine and good; bray, tar, etc. In this memorial Bien- 
ville and Salmon also mentioned their intention of renewing com- 
merce with the Spaniards "which had been surrendered throu^ bad 
faith and incapacity," their wish to foster and protect the establish- 
ment of the Jesuits for the welfare of the colony; he states that the 
fimd of 5000 poimds which the King allows for maintainance of the 
hospital is insufficient, his Majesty having 800 men in the troops, 
two-thirds of whom are continually ill with fevers and d3rsentery. 
This same year famine and an epidemic of small-pox visited the 
colony, and desertions increased from want and fear of the plague; 
the savages profited to become more aggressive, and BienvUle was 
obliged to invoke the aid of Beauhamais, who sent the Canadian 
savages against the Chickasaws. 

Bienville on his return foimd that the feelings of the savages 
towards the French had greatly changed since the Natchez war. 
His influence over them had been unbounded. Cadillac, who was his 
enemy, was forced to recognize it, but Bienville now foimd the differ- 
ent tribes in sympathy with the English and seeming to disdain the 
French since the Natchez war. The Chickasaws and Alibamons were 
almost English allies and the faithful Choctaws and Illinois were on 
the verge of a break with the French. Bienville realized the difficulties 
of the situation, but, with his usual pertinacity, imdertook to over- 
come them. He had never allowed the savages to come to New Or- 
leans or Biloxi for their presents. He gave the chief an individual one, 
and those remitted to him intended for the nation he distributed as 
he chose. After Perrier the chiefs were numerous; the customs were 
so different among the savages and so well rooted that it was impossi- 
ble to return to the old order of things. All these chiefs controlled a 
party and had to be dealt with according to their influence. The 
Natchez, during some time after Bienville's return, remained quiet, 
but with that absolute quietude which portends evil, the Illinois 
and Ouabache tribes were imcertain, the Nachitoches had for some 
time been more than restless, the Osages had killed eleven French 
hunters. The colony had every reason to fear that they were on all 
sides surroimded by treachery and danger. Bienville had little 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 83 

hope of re-establishing the conditions which existed in his previous 
term. Perrier's domineering spirit, want of discernment, cruelty 
and weakness, had borne bitter fruits. Conciliation was possible 
with some, and war on others was inevitable. 

The Choctaw chief called Red Shoe, in 1734, was invited by the 
English to visit their settlements in Carolina. The French had 
shown this chief very little consideration; the English gave him a 
commission, the title of King, a medal, presents and the flag of Great 
Britain, which he proudly displayed on his return among the Choc- 
taws. The Jesuit Father Beaudoin was Bienville's friend and had 
great ascendency over the Choctaws, among whom he spent many 
years as a missionary. He counselled Bienville and used his in- 
fluence over them to tiie advantage of the French, but they remained 
divided in their sympathy between the French and the English. 
Red Shoe let no pretext go by to thwart the plans of the French and 
de Lery reports that, while the troops were on the march in the 
Natchez and Chickasaw campaigns, the English came into the 
Choctaw camp with twelve horses laden with provisions and mer- 
chandise and traded with these savages. The Choctaws had 32 
villages, and the scarcity of French provisions made it difficult to 
supply their wants and facilitated the intrigues of the English traders. 

Bienville felt the coils of savage warfare tightening around him. 
He could put but 200 soldiers in the fleld and his savage allies could 
not be relied on. The Chickasaws had 450 well armed warriors and had 
erected fortifications. They had five palisaded forts and their cabins 
were surroimded by triple rows of stakes and so covered as to make 
them fire proof. In a letter to France, (1736), the writer says that 
miners and not soldiers would be required to destroy these Indians 
as they lived buried like badgers in huts like ovens covered with 
thatched straw roofs. The roofs, he declares, would bum but the 
hut, in the shape of a half circle, made of mud a foot thick, arotmd 
and above, is indestructible by fire or anununition. They are more- 
over so disposed that they held together and defended each other. — 
(Margry's notes.) 

Bienville and d'Artaguette had planned to meet and take the 
savages between two fires, but d'Artaguette reached the place in 
March and Bienville, owing to continued rains, arrived only in the 
month of May. d'Artaguette, no longer able to hold his savages, 
gave the signal for attack. The Illinois and Miamis abandoned the 
French and d'Artaguette and many brave officers lost their lives. 
Some Iroquois had been in d'Artaguette's command and on their re- 
turn excited the Hiu-ons and Ottawas against the Chickasaws. A 

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84 Th$ Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

letter to France (Feb. 21, 1737,) denies that Mr. d'Artaguette and all 
his oflScers were left dead on the battle field with Pere Senac and 
seventeen others: "These unfortunates were thrown alive into two 
fires prepared, by the savage women who watched them bum to 
death." The slave Avoyelle, a prisoner of the Chickasaws, relates 
these facts which she witnessed. She also declared that during the 
preparations for this barbarous holocaust the Frenchmen and the 
black robe sang as is the custom of the savages who value a warric^'s 
courage by the soimd more or less loud of his voice when death is 
inflicted. The savages only spared the lives of two soldiers whom 
they are to exchange for one of their chiefs named Courseac whom 
Mr. de Bienville holds as a prisoner of war. 

After d'Artaguette's defeat, the Illinois post was re-enforced 
with men and munitions and Bienville was planning a second cam- 
paign. The confederate savages comprised the Chickasaws, the 
Natchez,. the Chouanous, etc. They ntunbered about 800 and Bien- 
ville deemed it imprudent to march against them with less than 
one thousand good soldiers. 

In 1739 Beauhamais sent a detachment commanded by the 
Baron de Longueil and Lesueur wrote from his post at "Tombecke," 
that the Choctaws were well disposed towards the French. Red Shoe, 
dissatisfied with the English, was willing to serve Bienville. The 
Canadian forces and those from the colony were to meet at a point 
near the Chickasaw settlement. The reconnoitering of the ground, 
by the engineer de Verges made for the last campaign was to serve 
in the present one but it no longer existed and Sausier and de Noyan 
sought another. There were in the army coimting savages and whites 
in Canadian and local forces, about 3,600 men. Yellow fever deci- 
mated the northern troops, and when a road was finally located by 
the engineer Broutin, their provisions were exhausted and they b^an 
a retreat. As Bienville retired Mr. Celeron and his Canadians and 
savages appeared and marched against the Chickasaws, but no 
battle took place. The Chickasaws humbly sued for peace which 
they obtained from Bienville by giving up Natchez savages and by 
binding themselves to the extermination of this nation which had 
been as prominent in North American annals as the fire-wcM^ppers 
of the Orient. Celeron saved the honor of the French of the lower 
Mississippi and was the hero of this last campaign. Bienville's 
memorial of May 6, 1740, giving an accoimt of these events is replete 
with excuses for this imfortunate campaign; he felt and says that the 
French cabinet would not be satisfied with results which did not 
justify the considerable sums expended in this cause. 

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New Orleans Under Bienville 85 

When we consider Bienville's position during this second term, 
we can hardly blame him. He says in asking ior his recall that "fate 
was against him/' fate in the shape of traps laid by faithless and un- 
scrupulous fellow-citizens bent on his undoing, and the years of 
maladministration and mistakes of his predecessor. He feared to let 
the propitious moment go by of seemingly dictating peace terms 
when later on he would have to accept them, iot the weakness of the 
Louisiana colonists was apparent, and it was fostered and increased 
by dissension and the complete absence of that esprit de corps which 
would have made them strong. 

That the peace concluded would be of short duration was to be 
expected, but before a year had elapsed the Natchez again began 
their depredations on the Mississippi and on the Wabash. The 
Natchez took refuge with the Cherokees, and the Chickasaws were 
only deterred from abandonment of their settlement by its extreme 

Bienville, since 1740, had asked for his discharge and in March, 
1742, he again broached the subject. He knew that his continual 
efforts for the betterment of the colony had not always been followed 
by the success they deserved, but his fidelity and zeal could not be 
questioned. This was the tenor of his petition through its long word- 
ing, and though he knew that his time in Louisiana had drawn to its 
dose, he zealously guarded its interests till the day of his release in 

To take Bienville's dimensions as explorer, foimder and states- 
man, would require an able pen, but Spne who has studied the his- 
tory of Louisiana, can withhold themeed of reverence and gratitude 
due this grand figure. His career began at the age of twelve, follow- 
ing an older brother through danger and hardship on land and sea, 
to a new world, part of which he helped to conquer and give to the 
old. From the day he set foot on this soil and with the eagle eye of 
genius foresaw the possibilities of the site on the Mississippi, he 
dreamed of foimding a great city; he nursed that dream and fought 
for it with strength and mind imtil he made it a reality and a success. 
He gave his heart, his mind, his strength to foster the life of the city 
he created with foresight of its future success, but without illusions 
as to the gratitude which should have been his by right, without 
conviction that his work and sacrifices would ever overcome the 
cabalistic warfare waged against him which embittered his life, 
especially, without hope that the mother coimtry would uphold him 
till final success. 

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From the day he left New Orleans in 1726 to seek rest and peace 
in Paris, rue Champfleury, to that other day when realizing its great 
mistake France returned him to Louisiana to unravel the tangled 
skein of weak administrations, Bienville's brave heart never faltered. 
Through penury, distress and war he steered his colony with ability. 
He sacrificed his youth to its foimding, he gave his manhood to its 
establishment and development, and in his declining years came the 
dark hour when, at the foot of a tottering throne, he pleaded in vain 
for its life as a child of France. 

As phantoms all those years of toil and persecution, of expedi- 
tions undertaken and battles won faded into nothingness, and the 
brave spirit which had never quailed went down before the annihi- 
lation of all his past. 

His death in 1768 saved him from adding to this crushing blow 
that of the bloody tragedy which inaugurated the Spanish domina- 
tion, and in which the Lemoyne blood again flowed for France. 

April 23, 1918. 




To appreciate the changes and progress which two centuries 
have brought to Louisiana we must know its past history; not the 
history of its battles and conquests, but the chronicles of its adminis- 
trations, its moral and its strenuous life, the crimes committed and 
the penalties inflicted, the influences brought to bear upon religion, 
education and manners, all of which stamp the national character. 

The documents and excerpts which follow, derived from papers 
and MSS. in care of the Loxiisiana Historical Society, give the side- 
lights which will put in relief the inner life of the colony in Bienville's 

Church and Education in New Orleans. 

Bienville's first care in foimding New Orleans was to choose a 
site for the church, accompanied by the Jesuit, Ignatius de Beaubois, 
he selected a central tract in the plan of the city and Bienville with his 
sword marked out the square where the Saint Louis cathedral now 
stands. Religious services were first held in the Company of the 
Indies' store and imder a tent, but, imder a father Matthias, there 
was a church built of wood, dedicated to Saint Ignatius. It was 
blown down by the hurricane of 1723 and this chiu-ch was replaced in 
1724 or 1725 by a brick church called the Parish Church of Saint 
Louis, which outlived the French domination and was a very active 
unit of the Spanish domination during 26 years. Father Matthias 
was its first rector. 

When Crozat's charter passed to the Company of the Indies it 
had to comply with an ordinance which compelled them to erect a 
chtu'ch on any settlement made by the company, and to bear the 
expense thereof. 

In May, 1722, the company with the approval of the Bishop of 
Quebec, divided Louisiana into three ecclesiastical provinces imder 
the Carmelites, the Capuchins and the Jesuits. The recall of the Car- 
melites left the whole region to the Capuchins and to the Jesxiits. 
There was a RecoUet in New Orleans in 1720, and other priests, 
oflF and on, from that date appear to have exercised their ministry 
but they were not permanently established here. The Capuchins 
first appear in Louisiana records in 1720, though the King's brevet 
to them dates from 1717. Father Matthias was in New Orleans in 

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88 The Louisiana Historical Quarterly 

1720, but his signature also appears in "Old Biloxi" and in the Mo- 
bile registers. 

There was but one religion followed in Louisiana, the Roman 
Catholic, and Bienville and his French successors upheld the church 
so that its history blends with the political history of Louisiana; it 
is said that much of the animosity against Bienville came from his 
partiality to the Jesuits. 

There was much laxity in the observance of religious rites in 
Louisiana but after the priests were permanently established and that 
the Ursulines formed the minds and hearts of the wives and mothers 
of the colony religious influence spread. The child had scarcely 
opened its eyes upon the world than the priest gave the soul in its 
infant body its rank as an individual and a Christian ; love was idealized 
and sanctified by a sacrement, and death, the dividing line between 
two worlds, again brought the priest to bless the Ufeless clay which 
had held an immortal soul. Still these first colonists were not devout 
nor bigoted. Laws had to be enforced to compel them to abstain from 
work on Sundays, to close the cabarets and gaming houses, and even 
though the ordinance was limited to the hour of Mass on Sundays 
and feast days, many delinquents were found when the attorney- 
general made his roimds of inspection. They were cited and fined 
to the benefit of the hospital and a second offense brought a more 
severe penalty, but the fines were paid and the games and the parties 
went on. 

Bienville believed that religious orders had a salutary influence 
and gave vitality and expansion to the colony. There were Capuchins 
stationed at the Balize, Tchoupitoulas, les Allemands, Nachitoches, 
and Mobile. The Jesuits had full sway over the Indian missions but 
had a house and a chapel in New Orleans, adjoining Bienville's 
house, which was then at the extreme end of the city, which extended 
only to what was then Bienville street. 

The missionaries were to be supported by the Company of the 
Indies, but records of the seminary of Quebec show that little atten- 
tion was paid to promises. The seminary was to receive 3,000 
pounds or francs a year for the missions, and the missionaries were 
admonished to subsist thereon. Three thousand pounds seemed to be 
a goodly simi for priests among the savages, but imtil then the number 
had not been large on account of the difficulty of maintenance, the 
simi stipulated not being paid for several years, and when payment 
was made it was in notes or orders on the royal treasury, which had 
to be negotiated at half price to secure any money. On 3,000 pounds 
only 1,500 had been received. 

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Sidelights on Louisiana History 89 

Still, living was more expensive in Louisiana than in France 
and it was impossible for the missionaries to subsist. The document 
sets forth their poverty; things most necessary to life could not be 
made to grow; there was no bread nc^ wine as nourishment; no clothes 
nor cloth to cover them. Permission was sought by the seminary of 
Quebec to send produce for their support, by agents from Paris. 

The minister, Coimt Pontchartrain could alone obviate these 
difficulties. The missionaries being among the savages could not be 
helped by specie, but had to live by exchanges of beads, knives, axes, 
vermilion, etc., f<M- com and meat. They had no traffic with the 

The King gave 1,500 francs for maintenance of the Curate at 
Fort Louis, but this sum was reduced to half on collection. One may 
imagine what subsistence could be had on 750 francs a year, and this 
might explain the commercial activities of the curate de la Vente. A 
priests was sent to Dauphine Island without increase of the allowance. 
The priest appointed as almoner of the troops was to receive 600 
francs a year, but at the time the petition was written he had not 
received a cent, though he had labored faithfully during several 
years. The curate's gratifications could not supply the wants of the 
assistant priests, for no charity, however small, was made to the chtu-ch 
for biuials, marriages and christenings. The governor and priests 
deemed it best not to make any ecclesiastical demand for fear of the 
colonists being led away from their Christian duties, which they ful- 
filled with so much laxity and indifference. Cotmt Pontchartrain 
was asked to pay the past debt and to enforce regular payments of 
the priests' allowance and to consider that, the inhabitants not being 
able to build a church or to furnish the recjuisites for holy service, all 
expense was borne by the missionaries. His Majesty's piety was 
relied on to remedy this evil, not only for the service of God, but for 
the honor and usefulness of the nation. 

(Written up from Correspondence generate, La. Hist. Scty.) 

The priests tried renting pews as a source of income, but the pew 
rents were not paid, though each pew was to be paid but 60 francs a 
year in 1726. 

Bienville always took the initiative in trying to extend religious 
influence in the colony, but it happened that after bringing his 
cflForts to a successful ending others reaped the glory of their achieve- 
ment. He called for a convent for the yoimg girls of New Orleans 
and sent Father de Beaubois to France to obtain fitting subjects to 
accomplish this mission. The contract with the Ursuline nims was 

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signed in 1726, when Bienville was recalled to France and they ar- 
rived in 1727. 

On Bienville's return he undertook to build a presbytery for 
the priests who were the spiritual directors of the colony. At the 
request of Father Matthias, he called a meeting at the Government 
House, over which he presided with Mr. Edme Gatien de Salmon, 
marine commissary and judge of the Superior Council. The meet- 
ing was called by the soimd of the Church bells, it was well attended 
and it was decided that the presbytery was to be begim on short 
notice; but war broke out between the colony andits savage neighbors; 
dire distress and want followed and the building had to be put off 
till better days. In 1744 the matter was again taken up and it was 
decided, that with this end in view, a tax would be levied on every 
negro head and on real estate owned by the inhabitants and the 
presbytery was soon erected. 

The priests of the seminary were called by the savages "Blancs 
Collets" (white collars) and the Jesuits *'Robes Noires" (black 

All the missionaries were given free passage on the Company's 
boats, but the Jesuits were debarred from receiving any bequest or 
donation imder any pretext whatsoever. 

The Jesuits protested to the Company of the Indies claiming 
that it was not just that the Louisiana contingent should be on a- 
diJBferent footing from those in France. To this the Company re- 
sponded: 'The company's interest exacts this clause for the estab- 
lishment of the hospital." 

The Jesxiits at their own expense built two churches and two 
houses in villages of the Illinois and a chapel in New Orleans. They 
asked to be reimbtcrsed by the Company, but no attention was paid 
to their demands. 

In 1726 we find the Jesuits given in care a hospital in New 
Orleans, on condition that they would perform no ecclesiastical rite 
without the consent of the Capuchins. The Jesuit chapel (la chapelle 
du P&re de Beaubois) was frequented by the intelligent element and 
patronized by the aristocracy, for even in those early days of New 
Orleans rank and caste were considered. It was called the chapel of 
honest folks ("la chapelle des honnStes gens.") Father de Beaubois 
was devoted to Bienville and thereby incurred the enmity of the cabal 
opposing him. 

The Jesuit bore the bnmt of their jealousy and hatred, was tra- 
duced and persecuted. He was accused of intriguing among the 

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Sidelights on Louisiana History 91 

colonists for Bienville's return and the beauty of the Jesuits's house 
was reproached to him. 

The new church erected at the end of Bienville's administration 
was blessed April 24th, 1727. When the procession entered the 
church, Attorney Fleurian noticed three arm chairs covered with blue 
cloth in the choir. They were intended for Mr. Perrier, Commander 
General, for Mr. de la Chaise, first Coimcillor of the Supreme Coxmcil, 
and for the priest officiating. 

A few months after this ceremony the Ursulines arrived. The 
Company had accepted Father Beaubois' proposal to establish the 
Ursulines in New Orleans and in 1726 a contract signed by the 
Company and the Ursulines, giving over to these nxms the care of the 
hospital and the instruction of the youth of the colony; the 
last duty to be imdertaken only if the sdiool did not interfere with 
the care of the sick. 

This contract was signed by: Raguet, (Abbe) ; J. Moren, Darta- 
guette Diron, Saintard, Deshayes, Fromaget, Langeane.' 

From the annals of the Ursulines of New Orleans, the following 
details are taken: 

These nims embarked on the Gironde February 22nd, 1727, and 
after a perilous journey arrived at mouth of the Mississippi on the 
23rd day of July of the same year. 

At the Balize Commandant de Verges received them very cor- 
dially. On the 31st of July the Superioress, five sisters. Father 
Doutreleau and Brother Crucy embarked in a pirogue, the others 
followed in a shallop. The first party arrived early on the 6th of 
August, the other on the following day, which is the day usually 
given for the landing of the Ursulines. 

Father Ignatius de Beaubois conducted the Ursulines to Bien- 
ville's house* which was assigned to them as a temporary residence. 

''This house is said to have been situated at the Southeastern 
comer of the square boimded by Bienville, Chartres, Conti, and Royal 
Streets. It was a Iwo story frame building, each floor having six 
apartments. The windows were numerous but instead of being 
glazed, each was furnished with a frame covered with some kind of 
light material, which, while admitting air, was almost as translu- 
cent as glass." 

if Sr. Catherine de Bniscoly de St. Amand, (Soeur Superieure des Uraulines de France.) 
Sr. Marie Tranchepin St.